Palestinian Women: Patriarchy and Resistance in the West Bank, by Cheryl A. Rubenberg. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001. 317 pages, glossary, bibliography, index. US$59.95 (Cloth) ISBN 1-55587-956-X

Abstract

and lived in the late 1920s. While Granqvist wrote perhaps the most important books to date about Palestinian village life during the British Mandate period, Rothenberg has followed in her footsteps, by providing us with a significant study of the relatively unknown and fascinating tales of the supernatural as they affect Palestinians whose lives have been shaped by over thirty years of Israeli occupation and its detrimental consequences. Women, more often than men, are possessed by the jinn. Rothenberg discovers that women's stories of jinn reveal just as much about gender norms as they do about women's spirituality. By examining women's stories of the jinn, Rothenberg provides rich details about the lives of ordinary Palestinian village women, whom scholars have tended to overlook. Single women, especially those of marriage age, are most susceptible to spirit possession, and often people use the jinn to explain why a woman remains unmarried. The shift away from agricultural work and towards the nuclear household, and the increasing isolation of women within their homes makes them especially vulnerable. Rothenberg shows that the jinn essentially serve as a means of criticizing these changes taking place. Women (and not men) who defy social norms, such as losing their virginity before marriage, are also said to be possessed and therefore not responsible for their actions. I found blaming the jinn for loss of virginity to be particularly significant as it calls into question the whole issue of family honor and the reported preponderance of "honor killings" among Palestinians. Stories of the jinn also shed light on the collusion of patriarchy, and its control of social relations between men and women, with the political, namely the Israeli occupation. The story of Zahia, who is possessed by a Jewish spirit, is particularly poignant. Zahia had been married at the age of a sixteen to a cousin who lived in Amman. Zahia's encounter with the supernatural reflects the absence of any kind of social familiarity with her new surroundings in Amman, as well as with her husband, despite his being a cousin. Rothenberg argues that Zahia's Jewish jinn is symbolic of her suddenly having to negotiate the Israeli bureaucracy of occupation whenever she wants to visit her family in Artas, whereas before her marriage, Zahia, like many other Palestinian women, did not have direct contact with the Israeli occupation. Zahia's possession by a Jewish spirit also signifies that her marriage to her stranger-cousin and her move away from her family are as equally oppressive and controlling as the occupation. Rothenberg's discussion of men who are possessed by spirits is also fascinating, and through their stories, Rothenberg sheds light on male experiences under occupation. In particular, men often struggle with the jinn while in Israeli prisons on charges of nationalist activity, highlighting their encounter with power as well as moments of resistance. Overall, Rothenberg has written a highly original ethnography that contributes significantly to our understanding of gender, social relations, and occupation in Palestinian society. It would be an appropriate addition to any upper level undergraduate or graduate class on anthropology of the Middle East, Palestinian society, or on women and gender in the region. Ela Greenberg Hebrew University of Jerusalem