Pasts otherwise: Some comments on the historiography of concepts of ‘colonialism’ and ‘entanglement’ and the critique of the concept of ‘contact’ in Australasian archaeology

IF 1.1 3区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Australian Archaeology Pub Date : 2021-12-07 DOI:10.1080/03122417.2021.2003975
Rodney Harrison
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This body of work addressed the significant discursive erasure of Indigenous Australians in colonial contexts through narratives that placed emphasis on deep prehistory on the one hand (e.g. Byrne 2011), and that seemed focussed primarily on the agency of settler Australians on the other. The book Shared Landscapes (Harrison 2004) was an attempt to provide more inclusive ways of using archaeology, archives, heritage and oral histories to tell stories of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australian history and the places in which those histories had occurred, mindful of these significant entanglements and inequalities, and drawing on these new perspectives (see reflective discussion in Harrison 2014). My work, and the work of other authors on this topic in Australia at the time (e.g. see citations in Harrison 2014), much of which is not cited by the authors of the comment currently being discussed, was developed in dialogue with scholars in the United States and elsewhere (including Silliman 2005, 2016 and Jordan 2009, 2014 on whose work the authors of this paper mainly base their critique of the term ‘contact’). Silliman and Jordan also cited and drew on new concepts emerging from empirical work on historical Indigenous archaeology in Australasia. Although this exchange of ideas relating to the critique of the concept of ‘contact’ was happening much earlier – Torrence and Clarke (2000) themselves argued for the use of the term ‘entanglement’ in preference to ‘contact’ in their book The Archaeology of Difference: Negotiating Cross-Cultural Engagements in Oceania – it is exemplified in the volume Rethinking Colonial Pasts through Archaeology (Ferris et al. 2014) which I coedited with Neil Ferris and Michael Wilcox, in which the significant cross-fertilisation of ideas from ‘colonialism’ to ‘shared histories’ to ‘cross-cultural engagement’/’entanglement’ is directly reflected in Jordan’s (2014) chapter which the authors cite, alongside several others from authors from the United States and Australia. The critique of ‘contact archaeology’ which the authors make was always a significant part of these earlier discussions, and itself derived in part from work in Australia. My disagreement with this paper, then, is a historiographical one. The implication that these concepts have not already been discussed in the Australian archaeological literature, and the arguments they bring to bear on the term ‘contact archaeology’, have not been raised convincingly before in an Australian archaeological context, does not accurately reflect the historiography of the discipline as I see it. But I think what is important about the paper is perhaps not so much the originality of the critique, but the fact that it still needs to be made, more than 20 years on. What I sense really sits at the heart of the frustration the authors express is not the lack of existing frameworks within Australian archaeology to do the work for which they advocate, but rather, how limited the influence of these concepts and frameworks appear to have been on the ways in which archaeology has routinely been practised and written about in Australia over the intervening period. 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Abstract

I am extremely sympathetic to the authors’ critique of the term ‘contact archaeology’ and their argument that it detracts from the real inequalities and cultural and spatial dynamics of Indigenous and non-Indigenous colonial lifeworlds. It was precisely this concern that led me and several others during the late 1990s and 2000s, working with Indigenous collaborators and in dialogue with newly emergent perspectives on postcolonial and Indigenous histories, to argue for a range of alternative frameworks for writing about and practising archaeology in Australia. This body of work addressed the significant discursive erasure of Indigenous Australians in colonial contexts through narratives that placed emphasis on deep prehistory on the one hand (e.g. Byrne 2011), and that seemed focussed primarily on the agency of settler Australians on the other. The book Shared Landscapes (Harrison 2004) was an attempt to provide more inclusive ways of using archaeology, archives, heritage and oral histories to tell stories of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australian history and the places in which those histories had occurred, mindful of these significant entanglements and inequalities, and drawing on these new perspectives (see reflective discussion in Harrison 2014). My work, and the work of other authors on this topic in Australia at the time (e.g. see citations in Harrison 2014), much of which is not cited by the authors of the comment currently being discussed, was developed in dialogue with scholars in the United States and elsewhere (including Silliman 2005, 2016 and Jordan 2009, 2014 on whose work the authors of this paper mainly base their critique of the term ‘contact’). Silliman and Jordan also cited and drew on new concepts emerging from empirical work on historical Indigenous archaeology in Australasia. Although this exchange of ideas relating to the critique of the concept of ‘contact’ was happening much earlier – Torrence and Clarke (2000) themselves argued for the use of the term ‘entanglement’ in preference to ‘contact’ in their book The Archaeology of Difference: Negotiating Cross-Cultural Engagements in Oceania – it is exemplified in the volume Rethinking Colonial Pasts through Archaeology (Ferris et al. 2014) which I coedited with Neil Ferris and Michael Wilcox, in which the significant cross-fertilisation of ideas from ‘colonialism’ to ‘shared histories’ to ‘cross-cultural engagement’/’entanglement’ is directly reflected in Jordan’s (2014) chapter which the authors cite, alongside several others from authors from the United States and Australia. The critique of ‘contact archaeology’ which the authors make was always a significant part of these earlier discussions, and itself derived in part from work in Australia. My disagreement with this paper, then, is a historiographical one. The implication that these concepts have not already been discussed in the Australian archaeological literature, and the arguments they bring to bear on the term ‘contact archaeology’, have not been raised convincingly before in an Australian archaeological context, does not accurately reflect the historiography of the discipline as I see it. But I think what is important about the paper is perhaps not so much the originality of the critique, but the fact that it still needs to be made, more than 20 years on. What I sense really sits at the heart of the frustration the authors express is not the lack of existing frameworks within Australian archaeology to do the work for which they advocate, but rather, how limited the influence of these concepts and frameworks appear to have been on the ways in which archaeology has routinely been practised and written about in Australia over the intervening period. I would suggest a revival and re-reading of this earlier work is now more relevant than ever. If the word constraints on comments were less rigorous, I would provide an extensive reference list to assist with this process, and I hope readers will forgive me for what they might perceive as my own significant omissions and
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过去:对澳大利亚考古学中“殖民主义”和“纠缠”概念的史学评论以及对“接触”概念的批判
我非常赞同作者对“接触考古学”一词的批评,以及他们的论点,即它减损了土著和非土著殖民地生活世界的真正不平等以及文化和空间动态。正是这种担忧,促使我和其他几个人在20世纪90年代末和21世纪初与土著合作者合作,并与新出现的后殖民和土著历史观点进行对话,为澳大利亚的考古学写作和实践提出了一系列替代框架。这些作品通过一方面强调深层史前史的叙述(例如Byrne 2011),解决了在殖民背景下对澳大利亚土著居民的重大话语抹去问题(例如Byrne 2011),另一方面似乎主要关注澳大利亚定居者的代理。《共享景观》(Harrison 2004)一书试图提供更具包容性的方式,利用考古学、档案、遗产和口述历史来讲述澳大利亚土著和非土著历史的故事,以及这些历史发生的地方,注意到这些重要的纠结和不平等,并借鉴这些新的观点(见Harrison 2014年的反思讨论)。我的工作,以及当时澳大利亚关于这个主题的其他作者的工作(例如,参见Harrison 2014年的引文),其中大部分没有被目前正在讨论的评论的作者引用,是在与美国和其他地方的学者(包括Silliman 2005年,2016年和Jordan 2009年,2014年)的对话中发展起来的,本文的作者主要基于他们的工作对“接触”一词的批评)。西利曼和乔丹还引用并借鉴了澳大利亚土著历史考古学实证工作中出现的新概念。尽管这种与“接触”概念批判相关的思想交流发生得更早——托伦斯和克拉克(2000)在他们的《差异考古学》一书中主张使用“纠缠”一词,而不是“接触”。大洋洲的跨文化谈判——我与尼尔·费里斯和迈克尔·威尔科克斯合写的《通过考古学重新思考殖民历史》(费里斯等人,2014年)中有例证,其中从“殖民主义”到“共同历史”再到“跨文化参与”/“纠缠”的重要思想交叉融合直接反映在作者引用的乔丹(2014年)章节中,以及来自美国和澳大利亚作者的其他几章。作者对“接触考古学”的批判一直是这些早期讨论的重要组成部分,其本身部分源于澳大利亚的工作。因此,我对这篇论文的不同意见是史学上的。这些概念在澳大利亚考古文献中还没有被讨论过,它们对“接触考古学”一词的争论也没有在澳大利亚考古学的背景下被令人信服地提出,这并没有准确地反映出我所看到的这门学科的史学。但我认为,这篇论文的重要之处或许不在于其评论的原创性,而在于20多年过去了,它仍然需要被提出。我真正感觉到的是,作者所表达的挫折感的核心并不是澳大利亚考古学中缺乏现有的框架来完成他们所倡导的工作,而是这些概念和框架的影响似乎是多么有限,在此期间,考古学在澳大利亚的日常实践和写作方式是多么有限。我建议,现在比以往任何时候都更有必要复兴和重读这本早期作品。如果对评论的文字限制不那么严格,我会提供一个广泛的参考列表来帮助这个过程,我希望读者能原谅我,因为他们可能认为我自己的重大遗漏和
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9.10%
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20
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