Roundtable on Gulnaz Sharafutdinova’s the red mirror: putin’s leadership and russia’s insecure identity

IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Post-Soviet Affairs Pub Date : 2021-07-04 DOI:10.1080/1060586X.2021.1932064
Timothy M. Frye, Brian D. Taylor, W. Pyle, Klaus Segbers, Gulnaz Sharafutdinovae
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引用次数: 2

Abstract

Introduction Timothy Frye In this roundtable, we bring together a distinguished group of academics to discuss Gulnaz Sharafutdinova’s excellent new book, The Red Mirror: Putin’s Leadership and Russia’s Insecure Identity (Sharafutdinova 2020). Sharafudinova addresses two central issues of Russian politics: the source of popular support for President Vladimir Putin and the dynamics of political change in Russia. She critiques those who argue that Russia under Putin is a “return of the Soviet man, the Soviet system, or the Soviet identity” (p. 19). Instead, she argues that Putin has “been successful in promoting his image as an embodiment of the shared national identity of Russian citizens” by “tapping into powerful group emotions of shame and humiliation, derived from the painful experience of the transition in the 1990s” (p. 18). In turn, he transformed these emotions into pride and patriotism by drawing on two central pillars of Soviet collective identity: Soviet exceptionalism and a keen sense of extreme foreign threat to the state and its people. Yet, she also notes that this moment of national consolidation is just that, a moment, which has already given way to a much more uncertain period. Indeed, she identifies the sense of victimhood that Vladimir Putin has stoked as a key impediment to the modernization of Russia. To make her case, she draws on social identity theory, which emphasizes the importance of group attachments and collective memory to explore how Vladimir Putin made the “politicization of Russia’s collective identity into the core of his legitimation strategy” (p. 27). She begins by exploring collective identity in the late Soviet period, highlighting how the Communist Party fostered the notion that the Soviet Union was an exceptional country with an historic mission that also was encircled by enemies bent on its destruction. She then documents the shared sense of shame, humiliation, confusion, and vulnerability that marked Russian society in the 1990s as the country struggled over how to adapt its social identity to the country’s much-diminished status. In turn, she depicts how Vladimir Putin came to power and constructed a narrative of victimhood that proved remarkably powerful and long lasting. Putin’s great success was to both identify the national mood and shape it in ways that served his political ends. Sharafutdinova then unpacks how the Kremlin reinforces this narrative. She explores the “modern media machine” that Putin built in his first two terms in office and traces its increasing emphasis on conservative moral values and martial themes largely directed against the West. Going deeper, she dissects Russia’s political talk shows that mimic their Western counterparts in form but differ in content by loyally propagating themes favored by the Kremlin. Finally, she presents several vignettes of how Kremlin violations of basic human dignity, such as the arrest of the rapper Husky, the increase
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关于Gulnaz Sharafutdinova的红色镜子:普京的领导和俄罗斯不安全的身份认同的圆桌会议
在这次圆桌会议上,我们邀请了一群杰出的学者来讨论Gulnaz Sharafutdinova的优秀新书《红镜:普京的领导和俄罗斯的不安全身份》(Sharafutdinova 2020)。Sharafudinova论述了俄罗斯政治的两个核心问题:民众对普京总统的支持来源,以及俄罗斯政治变革的动态。她批评了那些认为普京统治下的俄罗斯是“苏联人、苏联制度或苏联身份的回归”的人(第19页)。相反,她认为普京“成功地提升了他作为俄罗斯公民共同民族认同的化身的形象”,“利用了来自20世纪90年代过渡时期痛苦经历的强大的羞耻和屈辱的群体情感”(第18页)。反过来,他利用苏联集体认同的两个核心支柱:苏联例外论和对国家及其人民的极端外国威胁的敏锐感觉,将这些情绪转化为自豪感和爱国主义。然而,她也指出,这个国家整合的时刻只是一个时刻,它已经让位于一个更加不确定的时期。事实上,她认为弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)煽动的受害者意识是俄罗斯现代化的一个关键障碍。为了证明自己的观点,她借鉴了强调群体依恋和集体记忆重要性的社会认同理论,探讨了弗拉基米尔·普京如何将“俄罗斯集体认同的政治化纳入其合法化战略的核心”(第27页)。她首先探讨了苏联后期的集体认同,强调了共产党是如何培养这样一种观念的:苏联是一个特殊的国家,肩负着历史使命,同时也被一心要毁灭它的敌人包围。然后,她记录了20世纪90年代俄罗斯社会的共同羞耻感、屈辱感、困惑感和脆弱感,当时这个国家正在努力调整自己的社会身份,以适应该国日益衰落的地位。反过来,她描述了弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)如何上台,并构建了一种受害者身份的叙事,这种叙事被证明是非常强大和持久的。普京的巨大成功在于既能识别国民情绪,又能以服务于他的政治目的的方式塑造这种情绪。随后,Sharafutdinova解释了克里姆林宫是如何强化这种说法的。她探讨了普京在前两个任期内打造的“现代媒体机器”,并追溯了其日益强调的保守道德价值观和主要针对西方的军事主题。她深入剖析了俄罗斯的政治脱口秀节目,这些节目在形式上模仿西方脱口秀节目,但在内容上有所不同,忠实地宣传克里姆林宫喜欢的主题。最后,她列举了几个克里姆林宫如何侵犯人类基本尊严的小插曲,比如逮捕说唱歌手赫斯基(Husky)
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来源期刊
CiteScore
5.00
自引率
13.60%
发文量
24
期刊介绍: Quarterly publication featuring the work of prominent Western scholars on the republics of the former Soviet Union providing exclusive, up-to-the-minute analyses of the state of the economy and society, progress toward economic reform, and linkages between political and social changes and economic developments. Published since 1985.
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