Violence in the Name of Honour: Theoretical and Political Challenges (review)

Kaveh Hemmat
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Abstract

rejected “verticalism” and obedience, sought alliances with other groups, and struggled to address their own classand ethnically-based internal divisions. It is important to remember that the egalitarian revolutionary movements in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Chiapas attracted women to the cause and set the stage for their subsequent development, playing an indirect but crucial role in the creation of a feminist revolutionary legacy. That is reason enough to avoid prematurely declaring the success or failure of revolutions, for sometimes they are works in progress. Kampwirth’s useful study would have benefited from a brief discussion of nationalism in Nicaragua and El Salvador, which along with Marxism and liberation theology, was an important motivating factor in the guerrilla struggles. The author also might have pointed out that feminist organizations are operating within the broader context of economic globalization and neoliberal policies that squeeze all sectors of civil society in a relentless vise. The tighter the vise, the greater the dependence on funding agencies, and the more difficult it becomes to attain or preserve the desired gender autonomy. Such contextualization would not only set the achievements of feminist organizations to date in bold relief, it would also make the continuing determination and resourcefulness of their members all the more impressive. These minor suggestions notwithstanding, Kampwirth’s work significantly enriches the literature of feminism and revolution.
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以荣誉之名的暴力:理论与政治挑战(回顾)
拒绝“垂直主义”和服从,寻求与其他团体结盟,并努力解决自己基于阶级和种族的内部分歧。重要的是要记住,尼加拉瓜、萨尔瓦多和恰帕斯州的平等主义革命运动吸引了妇女参与,为她们随后的发展奠定了基础,在创造女权主义革命遗产方面发挥了间接但至关重要的作用。这个理由足以避免过早地宣布革命的成功或失败,因为有时革命仍在进行中。对尼加拉瓜和萨尔瓦多的民族主义的简短讨论将有助于Kampwirth的有益研究,这与马克思主义和解放神学一起,是游击队斗争的重要激励因素。作者还应该指出,女权组织是在经济全球化和新自由主义政策的大背景下运作的,这些政策无情地挤压了公民社会的所有部门。钳子越紧,对资助机构的依赖就越大,实现或保持所期望的性别自主就越困难。这种背景化不仅使女权主义组织迄今所取得的成就引人注目,而且也使其成员的持续决心和足智多谋更加令人印象深刻。尽管有这些小的建议,坎普维尔斯的作品极大地丰富了女权主义和革命的文学。
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