The Defense Identity Crisis: It’s a Hybrid World

Q3 Arts and Humanities Parameters Pub Date : 2009-08-01 DOI:10.21236/ada510424
N. Freier
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引用次数: 18

Abstract

If at the end of the day, we drop the hybrid term and simply gain a better understanding of the large gray space between our idealized bins and pristine western categorizations, we will have made progress. --Frank Hoffman (1) The defense enterprise is abuzz with lively debates on "hybrid threats" and "hybrid war." Yet, newly emergent defense trends do not automatically merit exquisite definitions, new doctrine, or new operating concepts. As Frank Hoffman implies, such a caveat might be true of "hybrid warfare." Hybrid war may not yet be reducible to a pristine, doctrine-ready definition. Continued efforts by Hoffman and others to describe it, however, remain invaluable. (2) This trend is admittedly unsatisfying to concept developers and doctrine writers. By nature, they want to neatly categorize and define every aspect of military affairs. Yet, in this instance, patience is a virtue. For its part, too, the defense bureaucracy cannot rush to artificially dismiss a wider universe of defense-relevant, "wicked" challenges, in favor of a more limited and "tame" set of not-so-new, defense-specific ones. (3) Unfortunately, the hybrid debate is moving in this direction. Too many analysts gravitate toward solving only narrow tactical-to-operational hybrid military problems. In that context, hybrid threats are nettlesome "high-low" combinations of capabilities and methods--i.e., violent "irregular" forces that possess advanced military capabilities or "regulars" who skillfully combine conventional and unconventional warfare. A similar "reduction" occurred with irregular warfare (IW) following the 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review. As a consequence, the Department of Defense (DOD) quickly took refuge in IW's "military science"--direct-action counterterrorism, application of the military aspects of counterinsurgency, and security force assistance--without fully recognizing that DOD would, under many circumstances, be responsible for much of IW's "social science" as well. Following a similar course regarding hybrid challenges is a grave mistake. Any rush to define DOD's "hybrid" challenge too precisely is a diversion for a Defense Department facing more fundamental issues. It is unclear whether hybrid military threats will ever be singular points of emphasis for doctrine, concepts, or material solutions. For many strategists, the defense challenges described as hybrid are actually examples of cunning leadership in opposition to US or western military superiority. (4) What is clear, however, upon even a cursory examination of current and future operating environments, is that the word hybrid itself aptly describes the majority of DOD's contemporary missions and responsibilities. In short, war alone is not the only thing that is hybrid; an array of broader defense issues is hybrid as well. The defense portfolio is irrevocably diverse. It should be permanently acknowledged as such in defense management practices. DOD in totality--its subordinate service departments and agencies, varied capabilities, and mosaic of existing military and nonmilitary missions--is a complex hybrid national security, vice national defense, institution. (5) Defense capacity and demands suggest that DOD could be thought of as the "Department of Doing or Defending Against Many Things." (6) For better or worse, DOD is America's most viable first responder. It is in the unenviable position of "if not you, then who" when contingency events involve major violence or conditions exceed the capacity of US government agencies or foreign partners. An undeniable strategic reality for DOD today is: If a contingency is big, bad, sudden, complex, expensive, actually or potentially violent, and strategically important, it is likely to vault to the top of the Defense priority list. Few of the world's problems are unambiguously nails. As a consequence, DOD can ill afford to make use of its "hammer" alone. The following partial list of current challenges shows which agency is perceived as best-equipped to respond. …
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国防认同危机:这是一个混合的世界
如果在一天结束的时候,我们放弃混合术语,只是更好地理解我们理想的箱子和原始的西方分类之间的巨大灰色空间,我们就会取得进步。国防企业正在热烈讨论“混合威胁”和“混合战争”。然而,新出现的国防趋势并不会自动得到精确的定义、新的学说或新的作战概念。正如弗兰克·霍夫曼所暗示的那样,这种警告可能适用于“混合战争”。混合战争可能还不能简化为一个原始的、现成的理论定义。然而,霍夫曼和其他人为描述它所做的持续努力仍然是无价的。(2)不可否认,这一趋势令概念开发者和原则作者感到不满。从本质上讲,他们希望对军事事务的各个方面进行清晰的分类和定义。然而,在这种情况下,耐心是一种美德。就其本身而言,国防官僚机构也不能急于人为地忽视与国防相关的更广泛的“邪恶”挑战,而支持更有限和“驯服”的一套不那么新的、针对国防的挑战。不幸的是,关于混合的争论正朝着这个方向发展。太多的分析人士倾向于只解决狭隘的战术-作战混合军事问题。在这种情况下,混合威胁是能力和方法的“高低”组合。例如,拥有先进军事能力的暴力“非正规”部队或熟练地将常规战争与非常规战争结合起来的“正规军”。2006年《四年防务评估报告》之后,非常规战争(IW)方面也出现了类似的“削减”。因此,国防部(DOD)很快就求助于IW的“军事科学”——直接行动反恐、反叛乱军事方面的应用和安全部队援助——而没有充分认识到,在许多情况下,国防部也要对IW的大部分“社会科学”负责。在混合挑战方面遵循类似的路线是一个严重的错误。任何急于过于精确地定义国防部“混合”挑战的做法,都是在转移国防部面对更根本问题的注意力。目前尚不清楚混合军事威胁是否会成为理论、概念或物质解决方案的单一重点。对许多战略家来说,被称为“混合型”的国防挑战,实际上是针对美国或西方军事优势的狡猾领导的例子。(4)然而,即使对当前和未来的作战环境进行粗略的检查,也可以清楚地看到,“混合”一词本身就恰当地描述了国防部当前的大多数任务和责任。简而言之,战争本身并不是唯一混合的东西;一系列更广泛的国防问题也是混合的。国防投资组合是不可逆转的多样化。在国防管理实践中应永久承认这一点。国防部总体上——其下属服务部门和机构,各种能力,以及现有军事和非军事任务的马赛克——是一个复杂的混合国家安全,副国防,机构。(5)国防能力和需求表明,国防部可以被认为是“做或防御许多事情的部门”。(6)无论好坏,国防部是美国最可行的第一反应者。当突发事件涉及重大暴力事件或情况超出美国政府机构或外国合作伙伴的能力时,它就处于“如果不是你,那么是谁”的尴尬境地。对于国防部来说,一个不可否认的战略现实是:如果一个突发事件是大的、坏的、突然的、复杂的、昂贵的、实际的或潜在的暴力的,并且具有战略重要性,它很可能会跃居国防优先清单的首位。世界上几乎没有什么问题是明确的钉子。因此,国防部无法单独使用它的“锤子”。以下是当前挑战的部分列表,显示了哪个机构被认为是最有能力应对的。…
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