[The Patriots & the People: The Rebellion of 1837 in Rural Lower Canada]

IF 0.7 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES Pub Date : 1995-10-01 DOI:10.2307/2168364
A. Greer, C. Coates
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The nineteenth-century French historian Jules Michelet lauded the peasant: \"Le paysan n'est pas seulement la partie la plus nombreuse de la nation, c'est la plus forte, la plus saine, et, en balancant bien le physique et le moral, au total la meilleure.\"(f.1) In part, such sentiments reflected anti-modernist concerns about declining \"communitas.\" But French-Canadian nationalists, until the 1960s, often located the heart of their nation among rural communities as well. Much of the recent production on the rural history of Quebec, with its emphasis on peasant culture, revisits such views, often recreating the social divisions that defined possibilities in rural communities in Quebec and discussing the rich and tenacious rural culture that developed in the colony. The history of seventeeth-century Montreal spans the religious and commercial interests fundamental to the colony of New France. Founded in 1642 as the Counter-Reformation utopian experiment Ville-Marie, Montreal soon revealed the extent to which Old World patterns were replicated in the New World. Louise Dechene's now classic account Habitants and Merchants in Seventeenth-Century Montreal set the historiographical trend in which many studies of colonial society locate themselves. Published in French in 1974 but only recently translated, this volume re-evaluates the nature of colonial society by reconstructing in minute detail the workings of commerce and agriculture in the second most important town of the colony. Dechene's book is filled with insights into the society and economy of New France, and relatively little of her work has been shaken by the historical production of the last 20 years. The European population remained small throughout the period, and indeed throughout the history of New France as a whole, given limited immigration. For Dechene, the merchants and the peasants were the most important classes in the colony. The two groups functioned in relative isolation. While merchants in the fur trade dominated economic exchanges and ignored local development, farmers were content with subsistence. It was this lack of integration between the two sectors of the economy that determined the colony's features and long-term viability: \"No sooner was it settled than the countryside began to exhibit the familiar, unchanging features of Quebec rural society -- and this despite the closeness of the warehouses -- encapsulated in its uniform farms and lifestyle, stable land ownership, strong family ties, and entrenched routines\"(283). La Prairie en Nouvelle-France, 16471760, an examination of a seigneury located on the south shore of the St. Lawrence, provides an interesting counterpart to Dechene's study of Montreal. An agrarian seigneury, La Prairie did not witness the same socio-economic cleavages as the commercial town. Delving meticulously into notarial documents, Louis Lavallee sketches the lines of solidarity within the community: La Prairie constituted indeed \"une unite de vie et de lieu\"(263). Lavallee emphasises (but does not always demonstrate) social consensus within the local population, \"la belle unite habituellement maintenue au sein de la communaute\"(168). Without denying economic differences within the peasantry, there was a rough parity amongst them: \"une majorite de paysans moyens, plus ou moins mediocres, dont l'independance economique semble cependant assuree\"(262). 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引用次数: 16

Abstract

It may not be obvious why historians of early Quebec are paying so much attention to rural society. Indeed, one of the books under review refers to "une remarquable banalite" of the area studied (Lavallee 274). Such candour may do little to attract the attention of historians interested in larger populations and apparently more vital issues. Does the history of rural Quebec matter? At one time, intellectuals argued that the virtue of nations was located in the countryside. The nineteenth-century French historian Jules Michelet lauded the peasant: "Le paysan n'est pas seulement la partie la plus nombreuse de la nation, c'est la plus forte, la plus saine, et, en balancant bien le physique et le moral, au total la meilleure."(f.1) In part, such sentiments reflected anti-modernist concerns about declining "communitas." But French-Canadian nationalists, until the 1960s, often located the heart of their nation among rural communities as well. Much of the recent production on the rural history of Quebec, with its emphasis on peasant culture, revisits such views, often recreating the social divisions that defined possibilities in rural communities in Quebec and discussing the rich and tenacious rural culture that developed in the colony. The history of seventeeth-century Montreal spans the religious and commercial interests fundamental to the colony of New France. Founded in 1642 as the Counter-Reformation utopian experiment Ville-Marie, Montreal soon revealed the extent to which Old World patterns were replicated in the New World. Louise Dechene's now classic account Habitants and Merchants in Seventeenth-Century Montreal set the historiographical trend in which many studies of colonial society locate themselves. Published in French in 1974 but only recently translated, this volume re-evaluates the nature of colonial society by reconstructing in minute detail the workings of commerce and agriculture in the second most important town of the colony. Dechene's book is filled with insights into the society and economy of New France, and relatively little of her work has been shaken by the historical production of the last 20 years. The European population remained small throughout the period, and indeed throughout the history of New France as a whole, given limited immigration. For Dechene, the merchants and the peasants were the most important classes in the colony. The two groups functioned in relative isolation. While merchants in the fur trade dominated economic exchanges and ignored local development, farmers were content with subsistence. It was this lack of integration between the two sectors of the economy that determined the colony's features and long-term viability: "No sooner was it settled than the countryside began to exhibit the familiar, unchanging features of Quebec rural society -- and this despite the closeness of the warehouses -- encapsulated in its uniform farms and lifestyle, stable land ownership, strong family ties, and entrenched routines"(283). La Prairie en Nouvelle-France, 16471760, an examination of a seigneury located on the south shore of the St. Lawrence, provides an interesting counterpart to Dechene's study of Montreal. An agrarian seigneury, La Prairie did not witness the same socio-economic cleavages as the commercial town. Delving meticulously into notarial documents, Louis Lavallee sketches the lines of solidarity within the community: La Prairie constituted indeed "une unite de vie et de lieu"(263). Lavallee emphasises (but does not always demonstrate) social consensus within the local population, "la belle unite habituellement maintenue au sein de la communaute"(168). Without denying economic differences within the peasantry, there was a rough parity amongst them: "une majorite de paysans moyens, plus ou moins mediocres, dont l'independance economique semble cependant assuree"(262). Having a religious order as seigneur, La Prairie, like Montreal, was managed carefully but was managed carefully but not with legal and financial vigilance until the 1730s. …
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[爱国者与人民:1837年加拿大农村叛乱]
早期魁北克历史学家如此关注乡村社会的原因可能并不明显。事实上,其中一本书提到了所研究地区的“一个杰出的巴纳利”(Lavallee, 274)。这种坦率可能不会引起对更大人口和显然更重要的问题感兴趣的历史学家的注意。魁北克农村的历史重要吗?曾经,知识分子认为国家的美德在农村。19世纪的法国历史学家朱尔斯·米歇莱(Jules Michelet)称赞农民:“Le paysan n'est pas seulement la party la plus nombreuse de la nation, c'est la plus forte, la plus saine, et, en balance bien Le体格和道德,au total la meilleure.”(注1)在某种程度上,这种情绪反映了对衰落的“社区”的反现代主义担忧。但直到20世纪60年代,法裔加拿大民族主义者也经常把他们国家的核心定位在农村社区。最近的许多关于魁北克乡村历史的作品,其重点是农民文化,重新审视了这些观点,经常重现定义魁北克农村社区可能性的社会划分,并讨论在殖民地发展起来的丰富而顽强的乡村文化。17世纪蒙特利尔的历史跨越了新法兰西殖民地的宗教和商业利益。蒙特利尔成立于1642年,是反宗教改革乌托邦式的实验,很快就揭示了旧世界模式在新世界复制的程度。Louise Dechene的经典著作《17世纪蒙特利尔的居民和商人》奠定了许多殖民社会研究的史学趋势。这本书于1974年以法语出版,但直到最近才被翻译出来,通过详细重建殖民地第二重要城镇的商业和农业运作,重新评估了殖民地社会的性质。德尚的书中充满了对新法国社会和经济的深刻见解,她的作品相对较少受到过去20年历史生产的影响。由于移民数量有限,欧洲人口在这一时期,甚至在整个新法兰西的历史上,都保持着很少的数量。对德钦来说,商人和农民是殖民地最重要的阶级。这两组人的活动相对孤立。皮毛贸易的商人主导了经济交流,忽视了当地的发展,而农民则满足于生存。正是这两个经济部门之间缺乏整合,决定了殖民地的特征和长期生存能力:“它一定居下来,农村就开始表现出熟悉的、不变的魁北克农村社会特征——尽管仓库很近——被其统一的农场和生活方式、稳定的土地所有权、牢固的家庭关系和根深蒂固的惯例所包围。”(283)。《新法兰西草原》(La Prairie en Nouvelle-France), 1647年至1760年,是对位于圣劳伦斯南岸的一个领主领地的考察,与德尚对蒙特利尔的研究提供了一个有趣的对照。作为一个土地领主,拉普雷里没有像商业城镇那样出现社会经济分裂。Louis Lavallee仔细研究了公证文件,勾勒出社区内团结的线条:La Prairie确实构成了“une unite de vie et de lieu”(263)。Lavallee强调(但并不总是证明)当地人口中的社会共识,“la belle unite habituelement mainue au sein de la communaute”(168)。在不否认农民内部的经济差异的情况下,他们之间有一个大致的平等:“一个大多数的农民,加上你的中等工人,不独立的经济似乎是独立的保证”(262)。作为宗主国,拉普雷里像蒙特利尔一样,被小心翼翼地管理,但直到1730年代才在法律和财政上保持警惕。…
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