[Canada: An American Nation?]

IF 0.7 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES Pub Date : 1998-01-01 DOI:10.2307/2601868
A. Smith, Edna Keeble
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

In his March 1997 speech to the World Affairs Council in Los Angeles, Foreign Affairs Minister Lloyd Axworthy discussed the changing nature of the Canadian-American relationship. Axworthy stated that "the world has experienced a profound geopolitical shift.... Countries are being forced to redefine their international relations. ... Nowhere is this process of redefinition more clear than our relationship with one another." Almost the exact words could have been said by William Lyon Mackenzie King (until 1946 the prime minister also held the External Affairs portfolio) about the altered nature of global politics at the end of the Second World War as the United States and the Soviet Union began to dominate the international arena; or by Mitchell Sharp in 1972 after the Trudeau government's adoption of the third option policy in reaction to the "Nixon shock" as the Bretton Woods system came under revision by the American administration; or by Joe Clark in 1989 after the Mulroney government was re-elected with a renewed mandate (arguably) to implement free trade, the Conservatives having spent their first mandate negotiating the bilateral trade agreement with the United States because of apparently increasing global protectionist trends. The point is that when Canadian foreign ministers talk about "profound shifts" and "redefinitions" in international relations, such talk must inevitably centre on the country's relationship with the United States.The pivotal importance of understanding Canadian-American relations quickly becomes obvious to any student of Canadian foreign policy. Trying to make sense of Canadian actions in the international arena inevitably means attempting to come to grips with the linkages between Ottawa and Washington. Given that the study of foreign policy, according to William Wallace,(f.1) is a "boundary problem" in two respects: it is an area of politics bordering the nation-state and its international environment, and it is a field of study embodying (at least) two academic disciplines, namely, the study of domestic government and politics and the study of international politics and diplomacy, how is this to be done? For those of us who have focussed our attention on international relations, the Canadian-American relationship can be little understood from the global events and trends that have become even more apparent with the end of the Cold War. Whether sharing similar ideological premises,(f.2) coming from the same civilization,(f.3) or being equally subject to (or subjects of) "McWofid,"(f.4) Canada and the United States are largely part of the same entity called the "West," thus forcing us to question why it is that Canadian governments continue to pronounce and propagate the view that Canada is unique (particularly vis-a-vis the United States). The most recent manifestation of this can be found in the Chretien government's foreign policy statement, Canada in the World,(f.5) where along with the two objectives of promoting prosperity and employment and of protecting Canadian security within a stable global framework, we find a third goal embraced by the government: projecting Canadian values and culture. Although it has been met with expected opposition from the Bloc Quebecois who deplore the interference in Quebec's areas of jurisdiction, particularly culture and education, and it has led even supporters of the policy to argue that it is in of more budgetary commitment and operational preparation,(f.6) this third objective clearly assumes that there are "Canadian values" and a "Canadian culture" that the government "will remain vigilant in protecting and promoting ... to flourish in the global environment.'"What differentiates Canada from the United States, and how do these differences affect the Canadian-American relationship? Utilizing Wallace's observation about the study of foreign policy, we need to cross academic disciplines and look at the work of those who study domestic government and politics, particularly within a comparative context. …
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加拿大:一个美国国家?]
1997年3月,外交部长劳埃德·阿克斯沃西在洛杉矶向世界事务理事会发表讲话时,讨论了加美关系的变化性质。Axworthy表示,“世界经历了一场深刻的地缘政治转变....各国正被迫重新定义其国际关系. ...在这个重新定义的过程中,没有什么比我们彼此之间的关系更清楚了。”威廉·里昂·麦肯齐·金(William Lyon Mackenzie King)(1946年之前,英国首相还兼任外交事务大臣)对二战结束时,随着美国和苏联开始主宰国际舞台,全球政治的性质发生了变化,几乎可以用同样的话来形容;1972年,特鲁多政府采取第三种选择政策,以应对美国政府对布雷顿森林体系进行修订时的“尼克松冲击”,米切尔·夏普(Mitchell Sharp)提出了这一观点;1989年,乔·克拉克(Joe Clark)在马洛尼(Mulroney)政府再次当选后(可以说)获得了实施自由贸易的新授权。由于全球保护主义趋势明显加剧,保守党花了第一个任期与美国谈判双边贸易协定。问题的关键在于,当加拿大外交部长们谈论国际关系中的“深刻变化”和“重新定义”时,这些谈话必然集中在加拿大与美国的关系上。对任何研究加拿大外交政策的人来说,理解美加关系的关键重要性很快就变得显而易见。试图理解加拿大在国际舞台上的行动,不可避免地意味着试图处理渥太华和华盛顿之间的联系。鉴于威廉·华莱士(William Wallace) (f.1)认为外交政策研究在两个方面是一个“边界问题”:它是一个与民族国家及其国际环境接壤的政治领域,它是一个体现(至少)两个学科的研究领域,即国内政府与政治研究和国际政治与外交研究,如何做到这一点?对于我们这些把注意力集中在国际关系上的人来说,从随着冷战的结束而变得更加明显的全球事件和趋势中很难理解加美关系。是否有相似的意识形态前提,(f.2)来自同一文明,(f.3)或同样受制于(或受制于)“McWofid”(f.4)加拿大和美国在很大程度上是同一个被称为“西方”的实体的一部分,因此迫使我们质疑为什么加拿大政府继续宣布和宣传加拿大是独特的观点(特别是与美国相比)。这一点的最新表现可以在克雷蒂安政府的外交政策声明《世界上的加拿大》(f.5)中找到,其中除了促进繁荣和就业以及在稳定的全球框架内保护加拿大安全这两个目标外,我们还发现了政府所接受的第三个目标:突出加拿大的价值观和文化。尽管它遭到了魁人集团(Bloc Quebecois)的反对,他们谴责对魁北克管辖领域的干预,特别是文化和教育,甚至导致该政策的支持者辩称,这是在更多的预算承诺和业务准备中,(f.6)第三个目标显然假设存在“加拿大价值观”和“加拿大文化”,政府“将保持警惕,保护和促进……在全球环境中蓬勃发展。“加拿大与美国的区别是什么?这些差异如何影响加拿大与美国的关系?”利用华莱士对外交政策研究的观察,我们需要跨越学科,看看那些研究国内政府和政治的人的工作,特别是在比较的背景下。...
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21
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