{"title":"In the Storm: William Hansen and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in Arkansas, 1962-1967","authors":"Brent E. Riffel","doi":"10.2307/40023657","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"STUCK INSIDE A JAIL CELL IN ALBANY, GEORGIA, in July 1962, civil rights activist William Hansen was having trouble meeting with his attorney. He had been arrested for participating in a demonstration, but when the attorney, C. B. King, insisted on seeing his client, Dougherty County sheriff \"Cull\" Campbell became enraged. \"Nigger, haven't I told you to wait outside?\" he said. ' Campbell then picked up a cane and began beating the attorney. The next day the New York Times published a photograph of King, his head bandaged, leaving the hospital.2 Hansen, however, had met with even harsher treatment. He had been thrown into a cell full of whites who were by no means sympathetic to the cause of civil rights and even less sympathetic toward a northern agitator like Hansen. He was savagely beaten, with his jaw shattered and several of his ribs broken. Only twenty-one years old at the time, Hansen had a long career as a political activist ahead of him. Hansen arrived in Little Rock, Arkansas, later that year to head up a new branch of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), a grass-roots organization that sought to harness the rising tide of black political consciousness in the South. Hansen's organizational skills earned him appointment to the post, but his interest in civil rights and his desire to fight racism dated to his childhood. Born in Cincinnati in 1939, Hansen grew up in a strict working-class Catholic family. His religious upbringing helped propel him toward a life as a political activist. \"The extreme moral rigidity of American Catholicism in the pre-Vatican II days,\" he later recalled, \"had a way of leading in the direction I went with regard to race and politics .... Its rigid moral doctrine, if accepted, would lead logically toward a certain set of actions.\"3 Hansen's direct experience with African Americans also shaped his political outlook. He recalled how attending baseball games-sitting in the cheap bleacher seats at Crosley Field to see the Cincinnati Reds play-allowed positive interactions with black people: I was a ten to sixteen-year-old kid who made acquaintances with many of these older black men who, it seemed to me, knew everything about baseball. They took a liking to [me]. I remember at first not being able to figure out why all these Cincinnatians supported the Brooklyn Dodgers over their hometown team. I finally figured out it was because of Jackie Robinson. That realization told me something about the society I was being raised in. Like many people of his generation, Hansen also watched the aftermath of the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, as well as the 1956 Montgomery Bus Boycott, with rapt attention. He quickly found himself siding with civil rights activists, thinking \"it was dumb to be arrested for sitting in the wrong seat in a bus.\"4 Personal relationships with blacks also played a role in the development of Hansen's political consciousness. When he was seventeen years old, he became friends with Bill Mason, a young black man with whom he often played basketball. This was Hansen's first friendship with someone from outside of his working-class neighborhood. Mason often invited Hansen back to his home, where Hansen found he was treated as a member of Mason's family. Two years later, the Masons took Hansen in, and he lived with them for a year. Their warmth offered a stark contrast to how he had imagined blacks and whites normally interacted with one another.5 Hansen made his first foray into the civil rights movement in the fall of 1957 while attending Xavier University in Cincinnati. He became associated with David McCarthy, a local priest who had become active in the cause. Along with Bill Mason, Hansen and McCarthy formed the Xavier Interracial Council. Hansen later downplayed its significance, arguing that it was never more than \"a venue for getting to know other people.\"6 But the council allowed Hansen to make important contacts with other civil rights organizations such as the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE). …","PeriodicalId":51953,"journal":{"name":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","volume":"63 1","pages":"404"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2004-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.2307/40023657","citationCount":"2","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"ARKANSAS HISTORICAL QUARTERLY","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.2307/40023657","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Abstract
STUCK INSIDE A JAIL CELL IN ALBANY, GEORGIA, in July 1962, civil rights activist William Hansen was having trouble meeting with his attorney. He had been arrested for participating in a demonstration, but when the attorney, C. B. King, insisted on seeing his client, Dougherty County sheriff "Cull" Campbell became enraged. "Nigger, haven't I told you to wait outside?" he said. ' Campbell then picked up a cane and began beating the attorney. The next day the New York Times published a photograph of King, his head bandaged, leaving the hospital.2 Hansen, however, had met with even harsher treatment. He had been thrown into a cell full of whites who were by no means sympathetic to the cause of civil rights and even less sympathetic toward a northern agitator like Hansen. He was savagely beaten, with his jaw shattered and several of his ribs broken. Only twenty-one years old at the time, Hansen had a long career as a political activist ahead of him. Hansen arrived in Little Rock, Arkansas, later that year to head up a new branch of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), a grass-roots organization that sought to harness the rising tide of black political consciousness in the South. Hansen's organizational skills earned him appointment to the post, but his interest in civil rights and his desire to fight racism dated to his childhood. Born in Cincinnati in 1939, Hansen grew up in a strict working-class Catholic family. His religious upbringing helped propel him toward a life as a political activist. "The extreme moral rigidity of American Catholicism in the pre-Vatican II days," he later recalled, "had a way of leading in the direction I went with regard to race and politics .... Its rigid moral doctrine, if accepted, would lead logically toward a certain set of actions."3 Hansen's direct experience with African Americans also shaped his political outlook. He recalled how attending baseball games-sitting in the cheap bleacher seats at Crosley Field to see the Cincinnati Reds play-allowed positive interactions with black people: I was a ten to sixteen-year-old kid who made acquaintances with many of these older black men who, it seemed to me, knew everything about baseball. They took a liking to [me]. I remember at first not being able to figure out why all these Cincinnatians supported the Brooklyn Dodgers over their hometown team. I finally figured out it was because of Jackie Robinson. That realization told me something about the society I was being raised in. Like many people of his generation, Hansen also watched the aftermath of the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, as well as the 1956 Montgomery Bus Boycott, with rapt attention. He quickly found himself siding with civil rights activists, thinking "it was dumb to be arrested for sitting in the wrong seat in a bus."4 Personal relationships with blacks also played a role in the development of Hansen's political consciousness. When he was seventeen years old, he became friends with Bill Mason, a young black man with whom he often played basketball. This was Hansen's first friendship with someone from outside of his working-class neighborhood. Mason often invited Hansen back to his home, where Hansen found he was treated as a member of Mason's family. Two years later, the Masons took Hansen in, and he lived with them for a year. Their warmth offered a stark contrast to how he had imagined blacks and whites normally interacted with one another.5 Hansen made his first foray into the civil rights movement in the fall of 1957 while attending Xavier University in Cincinnati. He became associated with David McCarthy, a local priest who had become active in the cause. Along with Bill Mason, Hansen and McCarthy formed the Xavier Interracial Council. Hansen later downplayed its significance, arguing that it was never more than "a venue for getting to know other people."6 But the council allowed Hansen to make important contacts with other civil rights organizations such as the Congress for Racial Equality (CORE). …
1962年7月,在乔治亚州奥尔巴尼的一间牢房里,民权活动家威廉·汉森与他的律师会面时遇到了麻烦。他因参加示威游行而被捕,但当律师c·b·金坚持要见他的当事人时,多尔蒂县治安官“卡尔”·坎贝尔被激怒了。“黑鬼,我不是叫你在外面等着吗?”他说。坎贝尔随后拿起一根手杖开始殴打律师。第二天,《纽约时报》刊登了一张金头上缠着绷带离开医院的照片然而,汉森遭到了更严厉的对待。他被关进了一个满是白人的牢房,这些白人根本不同情民权事业,更不同情像汉森这样的北方煽动者。他被狠狠地打了一顿,下巴碎了,几根肋骨断了。当时汉森只有21岁,他作为一名政治活动家有着漫长的职业生涯。那年晚些时候,汉森来到阿肯色州的小石城,领导学生非暴力协调委员会(SNCC)的一个新分支机构,这是一个旨在利用南方黑人政治意识高涨的草根组织。汉森的组织能力为他赢得了这个职位,但他对民权的兴趣和反对种族主义的愿望可以追溯到他的童年。汉森1939年出生于辛辛那提,成长于一个严格的工人阶级天主教家庭。他的宗教教育促使他走上了政治活动家的道路。“在梵二会议之前的日子里,美国天主教的极端道德僵化,”他后来回忆说,“在某种程度上引导了我在种族和政治方面的方向....其严格的道德教义,如果被接受,将会在逻辑上导致一系列特定的行为。汉森与非裔美国人的直接接触也塑造了他的政治观。他回忆起参加棒球比赛——坐在克罗斯利球场廉价的看台座位上观看辛辛那提红人队的比赛——是如何让我与黑人产生积极的互动的:我是一个10到16岁的孩子,结识了许多年长的黑人,在我看来,他们对棒球了如指掌。他们喜欢上[我]了。我记得一开始我不明白为什么所有这些辛辛那提人都支持布鲁克林道奇队,而不是他们的家乡球队。我终于明白那是因为杰基·罗宾逊。这种认识告诉了我一些关于我成长的社会的事情。和他那一代的许多人一样,汉森也全神贯注地关注着1954年布朗诉教育委员会案(Brown v. Board of Education)判决的后果,以及1956年蒙哥马利抵制公交车事件(Montgomery Bus Boycott)。他很快发现自己站在民权活动人士一边,认为“在公共汽车上坐错了座位而被逮捕是愚蠢的。”与黑人的私人关系也在汉森政治意识的发展中发挥了作用。17岁时,他和年轻的黑人比尔·梅森成了朋友,经常和他一起打篮球。这是汉森与工人阶级社区以外的人的第一次友谊。梅森经常邀请汉森到他家做客,汉森发现自己被当作梅森家的一员来对待。两年后,梅森一家收留了汉森,他和他们一起住了一年。他们的热情与他想象中的黑人和白人通常相互交往的方式形成了鲜明的对比1957年秋天,汉森在辛辛那提的泽维尔大学(Xavier University)上学时,第一次涉足民权运动。他与大卫·麦卡锡(David McCarthy)建立了联系,后者是当地一位积极参与这项事业的牧师。汉森和麦卡锡与比尔·梅森一起成立了泽维尔跨种族委员会。汉森后来淡化了它的重要性,认为它只不过是“一个了解他人的场所”。但委员会允许汉森与其他民权组织进行重要接触,如种族平等大会(CORE)。…