"A Study in Second Class Citizenship": Race, Urban Development, and Little Rock's Gillam Park, 1934-2004

J. A. Kirk
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引用次数: 4

Abstract

HISTORIANS AND THE WIDER PUBLIC often view the civil rights movement primarily as a struggle for black freedom and equality unfolding between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s and led by Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. This King-centered narrative begins with such seminal events as the U.S. Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Board of Education school desegregation ruling and the 1955-56 Montgomery bus boycott, which, along with the subsequent formation of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), propelled King into a national leadership position. It takes in landmark events that include the 1957 Little Rock crisis, the 1960 lunch-counter sit-in movement and the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the 1961 Freedom Rides launched by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the 1963 March on Washington, the 1964 Mississippi Freedom Summer, and various community-based campaigns run by King and the SCLC, most notably in Birmingham (1963) and Selma (1965). The narrative culminates in the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which ended segregation in public facilities and accommodations, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which removed obstacles to the black franchise in some southern states and provided active federal assistance to many southern black voters.1 While these achievements are important and quite rightly celebrated, this narrative tends to highlight the movement's successes and downplay its limitations and failures. Community studies have deepened our understanding of civil rights activism at local and state levels, exploring the origins of the movement prior to the 1950s and its legacies beyond the 1960s. But such studies often mirror the national civil rights narrative by focusing on the same principal issues of desegregation and voting rights.2 A different approach by urban historians has offered an important challenge to the way that we conceptualize the civil rights movement. Studies by Thomas Sugrue, Arnold Hirsch, and others, have explored the role of race and urban development in cities across the United States.3 In doing so, they have shifted the focus of historians from the short-term battles for desegregation and voting rights to the longer-term structural issues of urban planning and neighborhood development. This shift has in turn forced attention both on areas in which the civil rights movement failed to have a decisive impact and to relatively neglected episodes within the civil rights canon. These include, for example, Martin Luther King, Jr. and the SCLC's 1965-66 Chicago campaign, which failed in its bid to win "open housing" for blacks in that northern city, and the failure of a 1966 civil rights bill that contained fair housing proposals.4 Studies by urban historians suggest that to understand the wider implications of the civil rights struggle we need to broaden our focus beyond what have been traditionally perceived as the key issues and to pay more attention to those areas where the movement failed. The history of Gillam Park in Little Rock, Arkansas, is particularly instructive for understanding the link between race and urban development in that city and the nature of the ongoing struggle for black freedom and equality there. Gillam Park is made up of about 375 acres located in the southeast corner of Little Rock's city limits in the Granite Mountain area. Although at first glance it appears to be a marginal tract of land, distant from the main body of urban affairs, it has, in fact, often been at the heart of debates over race and city planning. In the 1930s, the city purchased the property as a site for Little Rock's first "separate but equal" park. In the 1940s, the site became central to a campaign by black activists for a more comprehensive plan to develop black recreation facilities but also illustrated the growing divide between African Americans pressing for equalization within the Jim Crow system and those urging the abolition of segregation and the integration of white facilities. …
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“二等公民的研究”:种族、城市发展和小石城的吉拉姆公园,1934-2004
历史学家和普通大众通常将民权运动主要视为20世纪50年代中期至60年代中期由牧师马丁·路德·金博士领导的争取黑人自由和平等的斗争。这种以金为中心的叙述始于美国最高法院1954年布朗诉教育委员会学校废除种族隔离的裁决,以及1955年至1956年蒙哥马利抵制公共汽车的事件。随着南方基督教领袖会议(SCLC)的成立,马丁·路德·金被推上了全国领袖的位置。它记录了一些具有里程碑意义的事件,包括1957年的小石城危机、1960年的午餐静坐运动和学生非暴力协调委员会(SNCC)的成立、1961年种族平等大会(CORE)发起的自由乘车运动、1963年的华盛顿大游行、1964年的密西西比自由之夏,以及金和南方基督教领袖大会(SCLC)发起的各种社区运动,其中最著名的是在伯明翰(1963)和塞尔玛(1965)。1964年通过的《民权法案》和1965年通过的《投票权法案》在南方一些州消除了黑人获得选举权的障碍,并为许多南方黑人选民提供了积极的联邦援助虽然这些成就是重要的,值得庆祝,但这种叙述倾向于强调运动的成功,淡化其局限性和失败。社区研究加深了我们对地方和州一级民权运动的理解,探索了20世纪50年代之前民权运动的起源及其60年代以后的遗产。但是,这些研究往往反映了国家民权叙事,它们关注的是废除种族隔离和投票权等同样的主要问题城市历史学家的另一种方法对我们理解民权运动的方式提出了重要的挑战。托马斯·苏格鲁(Thomas Sugrue)、阿诺德·赫希(Arnold Hirsch)等人的研究探索了美国各城市中种族和城市发展的作用,从而将历史学家的关注点从争取废除种族隔离和投票权的短期斗争转移到了城市规划和社区发展的长期结构性问题上。这种转变反过来又迫使人们关注民权运动未能产生决定性影响的领域,以及民权经典中相对被忽视的章节。例如,马丁·路德·金和南方基督教领袖大会1965-66年在芝加哥的运动失败了,他们试图在这个北方城市为黑人赢得“开放住房”,1966年包含公平住房提议的民权法案也失败了城市历史学家的研究表明,要理解民权斗争的更广泛的影响,我们需要扩大我们的关注范围,超越传统上被认为是关键问题的范围,更多地关注那些运动失败的领域。阿肯色小石城的吉拉姆公园的历史,对于理解种族和城市发展之间的联系以及那里为黑人自由和平等而进行的斗争的本质,尤其具有指导意义。吉拉姆公园占地约375英亩,位于花岗岩山区小石城的东南角。虽然乍一看,它似乎是一片边缘地带,远离城市事务的主体,但实际上,它经常是有关种族和城市规划的辩论的核心。在20世纪30年代,市政府购买了这块土地,作为小石城第一个“隔离但平等”公园的场地。在20世纪40年代,这里成为黑人活动人士为制定更全面的黑人娱乐设施计划而发起的一场运动的中心,但同时也表明,在要求在吉姆·克劳制度下实现平等的非裔美国人和那些要求废除种族隔离、融合白人设施的非裔美国人之间的分歧越来越大。…
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The Cotton Plantation South since the Civil War “Dedicated People” Little Rock Central High School’s Teachers during the Integration Crisis of 1957–1958 Prosperity and Peril: Arkansas in the New South, 1880–1900 “Between the Hawk & Buzzard”:
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