Balut: Fertilized Duck Eggs and Their Role in Filipino Culture

IF 0.1 4区 社会学 0 FOLKLORE WESTERN FOLKLORE Pub Date : 2002-04-01 DOI:10.2307/1500289
M. Magat
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引用次数: 18

Abstract

"Whoever discovered balut stumbled onto the fact that food has changing excellences (taste, texture) as it evolves and develops. Thus between the egg and the full-grown duck, there are stages that bear exploring-and eating. And the Filipino has explored them and evolved the culture of balut." Doreen Fernandez in "The World of Balut" This essay illustrates how consumption of one particular food, fertilized duck eggs, can reveal the interplay between food, beliefs, culture and history. Called balut in the Philippines or hot vit lon in Vietnam, fertilized duck eggs are also familiar in the food customs of Chinese, Laotians, Cambodians and Thais. Socio-cultural factors, not just nutritional reasons dominate its consumption. Using historical and literary sources, as well as fieldwork data culled from 25 balut eaters, two balut distributors and a duck farmer as well, I will explore what it is about balut that makes eating it desirable. Why ingest something that may already have bones, feathers and a beak? For Filipino and other Asian Americans, there are alternative sources of protein, (which is not the case for many in the Philippines who do not have the luxury of choice). "Eating is usually a more complicated function than just taking nourishment" wrote food scholar Kurt Lewin. The complexities involved in the eating of balut, or any other food for that matter, has since been explored by a number of folklorists and anthropologists. Food scholarship has ranged from food as a semiotic system (Theophano 1991; Douglas 1966 & 1972; Weismantel 1988), to how consumption is tied to psychological and economic factors (Lewin 1942; Richards 1932), to the way food defines ethnicity (Brown and Mussell 1984; Georges 1984; Kalcik 1984). However, much of the debate between food scholars is between the materialists, led by Marvin Harris and Marshall Sahlins, and symbolic theorists such as Mary Douglas and Claude Levi-Strauss. Harris agrees that food may have symbolic meaning, but before anything else, "food must nourish the collective stomach before it can feed the collective mind" and whatever foods are eaten, "are foods that have a more favorable balance of practical benefits over costs than foods that are avoided (bad to eat)" (Harris 1985:15). For Douglas, however, food embodies a code, and the messages in it can be seen in "the pattern of social relations" (1972:61). Who is being excluded or included can be gleaned from the food categories and meal patterns; for example, drinks are reserved for strangers and acquaintances while meals are for intimate friends and family (Douglas 66). In the case of balut, both symbolic and material explanations can illuminate the reasons why people would eat embryonic duck eggs. Although it is always eaten boiled, and never raw, eating balut requires the consumption of something in the fetal stage, and psychological, cultural, and socio-economic factors must all be considered. Generally sold late at night or early morning, balut is consumed by Filipino males for its alleged aphrodisiac properties, while women eat it for reasons such as energy and nutrition, but never as a sexual stimulant. As one informant put it bluntly, balut as an aphrodisiac is "para lang sa lalaki ito" (it is just for men). Eaten usually as a snack, and not a formal food, fertilized duck eggs have been described to be as "popular in Manila as hotdogs in the United States" (Maness 1950:10). Although at one point, balut may have been prevalent only in the Luzon region, and not in other areas of the Philippines, it has been hailed the country's "national street food" (Fernandez 1994:11). Balut is so deeply embedded in Philippine culture that it has inspired everything from a hit record song about the distinctive howling calls of balut vendors in the late night and early morning to dishes in Filipino haute cuisine. Indeed, the love affair of Filipinos with fertilized duck eggs has been carried by immigrants to the United States. …
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巴鲁特:受精卵及其在菲律宾文化中的作用
“发现balut的人偶然发现了这样一个事实,即食物在进化和发展过程中具有不断变化的优点(味道、质地)。因此,在蛋和成熟的鸭子之间,有一个探索和进食的阶段。菲律宾人探索了它们,并发展了balut文化。”多琳·费尔南德斯(Doreen Fernandez)在《巴鲁特的世界》(The World of Balut)中写道:这篇文章阐述了一种特殊食物——受精鸭蛋的消费如何揭示出食物、信仰、文化和历史之间的相互作用。受精卵在菲律宾被称为balut,在越南被称为hot vit lon,在中国人、老挝人、柬埔寨人和泰国人的饮食习惯中也很常见。社会文化因素,而不仅仅是营养因素主导着它的消费。我将利用历史和文学资料,以及从25名balut食客、两名balut经销商和一名养鸭人那里收集的实地调查数据,探索是什么让人们喜欢吃balut。为什么要吃一些已经有骨头、羽毛和喙的东西呢?对于菲律宾人和其他亚裔美国人来说,有其他的蛋白质来源(这对许多没有奢侈选择的菲律宾人来说不是这样)。食物学者库尔特·勒温写道:“吃通常比摄取营养更复杂。”从那以后,许多民俗学家和人类学家探索了食用巴鲁特或任何其他食物的复杂性。食物奖学金的范围从作为符号系统的食物(Theophano 1991;Douglas 1966 & 1972;Weismantel 1988),消费如何与心理和经济因素联系在一起(Lewin 1942;Richards 1932),到食物定义种族的方式(Brown and Mussell 1984;乔治1984年;Kalcik 1984)。然而,食品学者之间的大部分争论是在以马文·哈里斯和马歇尔·萨林斯为首的唯物主义者和玛丽·道格拉斯和克劳德·列维-斯特劳斯等象征理论家之间进行的。哈里斯同意食物可能有象征意义,但在其他任何事情之前,“食物必须先滋养集体的胃,然后才能滋养集体的思想”,无论吃什么食物,“都是比不吃(不好吃)的食物在实际效益和成本上更有利的平衡。”(哈里斯1985:15)。然而,对于道格拉斯来说,食物体现了一种代码,其中的信息可以在“社会关系的模式”中看到(1972:61)。哪些人被排除在外或被纳入可以从食物类别和膳食模式中收集;例如,饮料是留给陌生人和熟人的,而饭菜是留给亲密的朋友和家人的(道格拉斯66)。在巴鲁特的例子中,象征性和物质性的解释都可以解释为什么人们会吃胚胎鸭蛋。虽然总是煮熟吃,从不生吃,但吃balut需要在胎儿阶段吃一些东西,心理、文化和社会经济因素都必须考虑在内。巴鲁特通常在深夜或清晨出售,菲律宾男性因其所谓的春药特性而食用,而女性则因其能量和营养等原因而食用,但从未将其作为性兴奋剂。正如一位知情者直言不讳地指出的那样,balut作为一种壮阳药是“para lang sa lalaki ito”(仅供男性使用)。受精卵通常作为零食而不是正式的食物食用,被描述为“在马尼拉像热狗在美国一样受欢迎”(Maness 1950:10)。虽然巴鲁特一度只在吕宋岛地区流行,而在菲律宾的其他地区并不流行,但它被誉为该国的“国家街头食品”(Fernandez 1994:11)。巴鲁特深深植根于菲律宾文化中,它激发了各种灵感,从一首关于巴鲁特小贩在深夜和清晨独特的嚎叫的热门唱片歌曲,到菲律宾高级美食的菜肴。事实上,菲律宾人对受精鸭蛋的喜爱已经被移民带到了美国。...
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WESTERN FOLKLORE
WESTERN FOLKLORE FOLKLORE-
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