An English, Protestant, Upper-Class Feminist on the Grand Tour: Elizabeth Smith Shortt in Great Britain and Europe, 1911

IF 0.7 4区 社会学 0 HUMANITIES, MULTIDISCIPLINARY JOURNAL OF CANADIAN STUDIES-REVUE D ETUDES CANADIENNES Pub Date : 1994-02-01 DOI:10.3138/JCS.28.4.72
P. E. Dembski
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Ce voyage revela la perspective maternelle de son feminisme, mais aussi des sentiments raciaux, religieux et aristocratiques qui masquerent souvent ses valeurs feministes. Le feminisme maternel entraina Smith Shortt vers une reforme conservatrice de la societe alors que l'exclusivisme racial, religieux et de classe la predisposerent a une morale plus intolerante et egoiste. Smith Shortt ne reussit pas a resoudre ce conflit lors de son sejour dans le Vieux Monde et il resta problematique apres son retour au Canada. The dominant feminism in early twentieth-century Canada was maternal feminism. The early historical works on this subject concentrated on the suffragists and presented them \"as heroines, organizing lobbying campaigns and overcoming the prejudices of their day to win the vote.\"' In response, Wayne Roberts developed a more critical perspective, pointing out that most suffragists and other feminists of the era were essentially \"conservative.\"2 The main responsibility of a proper lady was being a good wife and an even better mother. Larger issues in the outside world were only confronted as an extension of women's primary role within this familial context. Other historians of women agreed with Roberts that the maternal feminists were conservative, but indicated that this assessment needed amendment. Wendy Mitchinson revealed that, if the ladies of the Women's Christian Temperance Union were not full feminists, they were at least \"social feminists\" while Veronica Strong-Boag demonstrated that after 1894 the basically conservative National Council of Women was \"a major instrument of feminine nationalism, reform and ambition.\"3 Some suffragists such as Nellie McClung moved beyond reform and spoke out for what Strong-Boag later identified as a potentially radical doctrine of \"equal rights.\"4 More recently, Mariana Valverde has recognized the positive vision that women in the social purity movement shared in the years between 1885 and 1925: \"the movement was held together not only by its attacks on vice but by a common vision of the pure life that individuals, families and the nation would lead in the near future.\"5 There was a positive as well as a negative dimension in the activities of these maternal feminists. Elizabeth Smith Shortt participated in the social purity movement and she eagerly embraced its ideals. However, while maternal feminism and the principles of social purity inclined her towards a cautious, conservative reform of society, racial, religious, and class exclusiveness predisposed her towards a more intolerant and selfish ethic. This paper seeks to explore these paradoxical responses in Smith Shortt within the framework of a trip she took to the old world with her husband Adam in 1911. Thus, it endeavours to address another concern raised by Valverde: \"The history of Canadian feminism has until the present been researched basically as a Canadian phenomenon, but first-wave feminism had an international dimension and some of its aspects - particularly its intellectual history - have to be understood in this international context.\"6 By the second decade of the twentieth century Smith Shortt was widely acknowledged as a leading feminist within Canada. 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Abstract

A prominent feminist within Canada, Elizabeth Smith Shortt travelled with her husband to Great Britain and Europe in 1911. The ensuing trip revealed her maternal feminist perspective, but it also disclosed racial, religious and upper-class sentiments which often overshadowed her feminist values. Maternal feminism inclined Smith Shortt towards a conservative reform of society while racial, religious and class exclusiveness predisposed her towards a more intolerant and selfish ethic. Smith Shortt failed to resolve this conflict in the old world and it remained problematic upon her return to Canada. Elizabeth Smith Shortt, figure feministe importante au Canada, voyagea avec son mari en Grande Bretagne et en Europe en 1911. Ce voyage revela la perspective maternelle de son feminisme, mais aussi des sentiments raciaux, religieux et aristocratiques qui masquerent souvent ses valeurs feministes. Le feminisme maternel entraina Smith Shortt vers une reforme conservatrice de la societe alors que l'exclusivisme racial, religieux et de classe la predisposerent a une morale plus intolerante et egoiste. Smith Shortt ne reussit pas a resoudre ce conflit lors de son sejour dans le Vieux Monde et il resta problematique apres son retour au Canada. The dominant feminism in early twentieth-century Canada was maternal feminism. The early historical works on this subject concentrated on the suffragists and presented them "as heroines, organizing lobbying campaigns and overcoming the prejudices of their day to win the vote."' In response, Wayne Roberts developed a more critical perspective, pointing out that most suffragists and other feminists of the era were essentially "conservative."2 The main responsibility of a proper lady was being a good wife and an even better mother. Larger issues in the outside world were only confronted as an extension of women's primary role within this familial context. Other historians of women agreed with Roberts that the maternal feminists were conservative, but indicated that this assessment needed amendment. Wendy Mitchinson revealed that, if the ladies of the Women's Christian Temperance Union were not full feminists, they were at least "social feminists" while Veronica Strong-Boag demonstrated that after 1894 the basically conservative National Council of Women was "a major instrument of feminine nationalism, reform and ambition."3 Some suffragists such as Nellie McClung moved beyond reform and spoke out for what Strong-Boag later identified as a potentially radical doctrine of "equal rights."4 More recently, Mariana Valverde has recognized the positive vision that women in the social purity movement shared in the years between 1885 and 1925: "the movement was held together not only by its attacks on vice but by a common vision of the pure life that individuals, families and the nation would lead in the near future."5 There was a positive as well as a negative dimension in the activities of these maternal feminists. Elizabeth Smith Shortt participated in the social purity movement and she eagerly embraced its ideals. However, while maternal feminism and the principles of social purity inclined her towards a cautious, conservative reform of society, racial, religious, and class exclusiveness predisposed her towards a more intolerant and selfish ethic. This paper seeks to explore these paradoxical responses in Smith Shortt within the framework of a trip she took to the old world with her husband Adam in 1911. Thus, it endeavours to address another concern raised by Valverde: "The history of Canadian feminism has until the present been researched basically as a Canadian phenomenon, but first-wave feminism had an international dimension and some of its aspects - particularly its intellectual history - have to be understood in this international context."6 By the second decade of the twentieth century Smith Shortt was widely acknowledged as a leading feminist within Canada. Indeed, in 1912 the Toronto Globe numbered her among the "representative women" in the country's upper class. …
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英国新教上层女权主义者的大旅行:伊丽莎白·史密斯·肖特在英国和欧洲,1911年
伊丽莎白·史密斯·肖特是加拿大著名的女权主义者,1911年她和丈夫一起去了英国和欧洲。随后的旅行揭示了她的母性女权主义观点,但也揭示了种族、宗教和上层阶级的情绪,这些情绪往往掩盖了她的女权主义价值观。母性女权主义使史密斯·肖特倾向于保守的社会改革,而种族、宗教和阶级的排他性使她倾向于更不宽容和自私的伦理。史密斯·肖特未能在旧世界解决这一冲突,当她回到加拿大时,这个问题仍然存在。伊丽莎白·史密斯·肖特,加拿大重要的女性主义者,1911年在大布列塔尼和欧洲航行。这是女权主义的母性观点,这是种族主义的观点,这是宗教和贵族的观点,这是女权主义者的价值观。史密斯·肖特(Smith short)认为,女性主义的母性代表了一种改革,保守主义代表了社会的排他主义,种族、宗教和阶级的排他主义,倾向于单一的士气加上不容忍的利己主义。史密斯·肖特(Smith short)拒绝通过一项资源,以解决冲突问题,但他认为世界Vieux Monde将在返回加拿大后解决问题。20世纪初加拿大的主流女权主义是母亲女权主义。关于这一主题的早期历史著作集中在妇女参政论者身上,把她们“描绘成女英雄,组织游说活动,克服当时的偏见,赢得选举”。作为回应,韦恩·罗伯茨(Wayne Roberts)提出了一种更具批判性的观点,指出那个时代的大多数妇女参政论者和其他女权主义者本质上都是“保守的”。一个得体的女人的主要责任是做一个好妻子,甚至是一个好母亲。外部世界的更大问题只是作为妇女在这种家庭背景下的主要作用的延伸来面对。其他研究女性的历史学家也同意罗伯茨的观点,认为母性女权主义者是保守的,但指出这种评价需要修正。温迪·米钦森透露,如果基督教妇女禁酒联盟的女士们不是完全的女权主义者,她们至少是“社会女权主义者”,而维罗妮卡·斯特朗-博格则表明,在1894年之后,基本保守的全国妇女委员会是“女性民族主义、改革和野心的主要工具”。一些妇女参政权论者,如内莉·麦克朗(Nellie McClung),超越了改革的范畴,为后来被斯特朗·鲍格认定为潜在激进的“平等权利”学说大声呐喊。最近,玛丽安娜·巴尔韦德认识到1885年至1925年间参加社会纯洁运动的妇女所共有的积极愿景:“这场运动之所以团结在一起,不仅是因为它对罪恶的打击,而且是因为对个人、家庭和国家在不久的将来所过的纯洁生活的共同愿景。”这些母性女权主义者的活动既有积极的一面,也有消极的一面。伊丽莎白·史密斯·肖特参加了社会纯洁运动,她热切地接受了它的理想。然而,虽然母性女权主义和社会纯洁的原则使她倾向于对社会进行谨慎、保守的改革,但种族、宗教和阶级的排他性使她倾向于更不宽容和自私的伦理。本文试图在史密斯·肖特1911年与丈夫亚当去旧世界旅行的框架内,探讨她身上这些矛盾的反应。因此,它努力解决Valverde提出的另一个问题:“直到现在,加拿大女权主义的历史基本上都是作为一种加拿大现象来研究的,但第一波女权主义有一个国际层面,它的一些方面——尤其是它的思想史——必须在这个国际背景下理解。”到20世纪的第二个十年,史密斯·肖特被广泛认为是加拿大女权运动的领军人物。的确,1912年《多伦多环球报》将她列为加拿大上层阶级的“代表性女性”之一。…
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