On the syntax of person agreement in Tatar

Abstract

In this paper, we analyse the intricate agreement pattern attested with inflected quantifiers, intensifiers and anaphors in Tatar. These nominals can trigger not only a default 3rd person agreement, but also the marked person agreement reflecting the  features of  their restrictor or  binder. We propose that in  these constructions, inflected quantifiers, intensifiers and anaphors bear the  features the  agreement reveals, and propose a  mechanism allowing inflected quantifiers, intensifiers and anaphors to aquire the features of the restrictor or binder. We build on the idea that agreeing inflected quantifiers, intensifiers and anaphors contain a minimal pronoun equipped with a set of unvalued interpretable features, and that this feature set gets valued via feature sharing.