Hijab, Religiosity, and Psychological Wellbeing of Muslim Women in the United States

Abstract

Within the emerging mental health research in Muslim populations, previous studies have reported conflicting findings regarding the connection between psychological wellbeing and explicit religiosity (e.g., visibility of Muslim women via hijab, headscarf, and loosefitted clothing) for those living in predominantly nonMuslim countries. The purpose of the current study was to explore quantitatively, on a small scale, the relationship between hijab and psychological wellbeing of Muslim women in the United States. A total of 50 Muslim women (25 muhajabbas (women who wear hijab) and 25 nonmuhajabbas) completed a battery of scales assessing their depressive and anxious symptoms, selfesteem, and various aspects of their religiosity. More frequent wearing of loosefitted clothing was significantly associated with lower internalizing psychopathology (i.e., depression and anxiety) levels, whether participants regularly practiced hijab was not. Further, selfreported religiosity had strong negative correlations with internalizing psychopathology. Hierarchical linear regression analyses indicated that frequency of loosefitted clothing and selfreported religiosity incrementally predicted internalizing psychopathology above and beyond age, migrant status, and hijab frequen26 Quarat-ul-ain Gulamhussein cy. Overall, while variables were predictors of the internalizing psychopathology, none predicted selfesteem, highlighting a specific relationship with psychological wellbeing. Religiosity and loosefitted clothing appear to be worthwhile variables for further investigation as potential resilience factors in Muslim women in the United States. Further implications of these results are discussed in terms of culturally sensitive support. Hijab, Religiosity, and Psychological Wellbeing of Muslim Women in the United States Although the practice of hijab spans across global Muslim cultures, little is known about how this religious hallmark might intersect with mental health. Since the practice of hijab often includes donning particular garments by Muslim women, in communities where Muslims are not the majority (e.g., the United States), hijab may identify women as Muslims. As such, hijab can transform an invisible religious minority into an identifiable minority, which can make Muslim women the targets of discrimination, harassment, and other forms of victimization. Therefore, understanding the association between the practice of hijab in the United States and mental health of Muslim women presents a unique and growing public health issue. Muslim women in the United States must balance a religious directive to practice hijab with making their religious identity known— and potentially becoming the focus of antiMuslim discrimination or victimization. Although hijab can be defined broadly, in the present study, we focused on two primary wardroberelated aspects of hijab. First, we considered the head covering aspect of hijab. Hereafter, we refer to women who practice hijab as muhajabbas. Second, we considered looseness of clothing: Muslim women are advised to wear loose clothing that covers one’s legs and arms (Rangoonwala et al., 2011). For Muslim women in the United States, such Islamic dress practice symbolizes not only religious identity, but also freedom from sexual objectification and pride in one’s “tangible marker of difference” (Jasperse et al., 2012). To our knowledge, there is a lack of research linking hijab and other Islamic dress practices to psychological wellbeing in Muslim women in the United States, and we use this operationalization of Islamic dress to address this question empirically. Associations of Hijab with Wellbeing Negative associations. Evidence suggests that the visible identity of Muslim women may expose them to various modes of discrimination, harassment, and victimization. This is not to say that hijab itself confers risk; rather, the recHijab and Wellbeing of Muslim Women 27 ognition of muhajabbas as Muslim by prejudiced individuals in the broader society makes them the focus of antiMuslim sentiments and behaviors. Consistent with minority stress theory (Meyer, 1995, 2003), such negative experiences are associated with lower psychological wellbeing in minority groups (e.g., RodriguezSeijas et al., 2015). The perception of Muslim identity by the broader population has been linked with increased hate crimes (AbuRas & AbuBader, 2008) and negative outcomes in a variety of settings, including on university campuses (Rangoonwala et al., 2011), in the workplace (Ghumman & Jackson, 2010), and in recreational activities (Jiwani & Rail, 2010). It is noteworthy, however, that the practice of hijab is not a dichotomy (muhajabba vs. nonmuhajabba), because women practice hijab in degrees. Indeed, the extent to which one practices hijab is itself associated with negative outcomes. For instance, higher frequency of hijab practice, and more conservative body coverings, have been associated with higher levels of perceived discrimination by Muslim women in western countries (Jasperse et al., 2012). As such, understanding the associations of hijab with minority stressors and negative outcomes requires a nuanced focus on its practice that goes beyond categorical conceptualizations (yes/no). In addition to overt forms of discrimination and harassment, muhajabba Muslims in the United States are particularly vulnerable to microaggressions. Nadal and colleagues (2012) define microaggressions as “subtle forms of discrimination (often unintentional and unconscious) that send negative and denigrating messages to members of marginalized racial groups” (p. 15–16). Some examples include using Islamophobic language to hurt someone’s feelings or staring at a muhajabba without realizing that the attention could be interpreted as hurtful. Such experiences can make muhajabbas feel “othered,” as if they are members of an outgroup. They may come to believe there is a particular way of looking “American”— a standard they do not meet. In that study by Nadal and colleagues (2012), participants reported feelings of anger, sadness, frustration, and belittlement. In another qualitative study of Muslim women in Austin, Texas, muhajabba participants reported feeling like “weird” outsiders because others did not understand their motivations to cover (Read & Bartkowski, 2000). In addition to hijab’s relation to interpersonal difficulties for Muslim women, the practice of hijab has also been linked to intrapersonal distress. That is, some women report personal difficulties associated with hijab. For example, wearing hijab may lead to increased selfconsciousness about one’s own body (Rastmanesh et al., 2009). As such, the association between hijab and decreased psychological wellbeing may reflect multiple causal pathways— occurring externally to Muslim women as well as reflecting internal psychological processes, congruent with findings from other minority groups (e.g., Meyer, 2003). Positive associations. Although hijab practice may be associated with increased 28 Quarat-ul-ain Gulamhussein risk of negative outcomes, it may also serve as a protective or resilience factor. Key beneficial associations of hijab include formation identity and social support. For instance, Williams and Vashi (2007) argued that hijab enables secondgeneration Muslim women to combine their identities as Muslims and Americans and create a unique, intersecting identity. Simultaneously, hijab can allow these women to visibly identify with the wider Muslim community, especially during stressful situations, which may facilitate social support and communion; such support and other resources can serve as a buffer against minority stress experiences (Meyer, 2003). For example, Muslim American women who engage in Islamic dress standards show better adjustment in college environments by reaching out to other Muslim women on campus (Rangoonwala et al., 2011). The practice of hijab has been associated with increased psychological wellbeing. For instance, individuals practicing hijab in a New Zealand sample reported greater life satisfaction and fewer symptoms of psychological distress (Jasperse et al., 2012). Hijab may also function as a buffer against negative media messages about beauty standards and sexual objectification. In a study from Britain, muhajabbas placed less importance on appearance and reported more positive body image (Swami et al., 2014). Additionally, muhajabbas in the United States reported lower experiences of sexual objectification and more opportunity to act freely in a sexist society (Tolaymat & Moradi, 2011). Religiosity. Although there is a relative dearth of research focusing on associations of the hijab aspect of religiosity with psychological wellbeing, there is some indication that broader Muslim religiosity may relate to women’s mental health. Results from a study of 499 Muslim Kuwaiti adolescents suggest that religiosity is linked to lower anxiety and to higher selfesteem and subjective wellbeing (AbdelKhalek, 2011). Although causation cannot be inferred from these correlational studies, such findings suggest a potential association between level of religiosity— more general than hijab practice— and positive wellbeing. Because practicing hijab is one common means of expressing religiosity for Muslim women, it is crucial to build an understanding of how both religiosity generally, and hijab specifically, are linked to mental health.