The New Chinese Empire: And What It Means for the United States

Q3 Arts and Humanities Parameters Pub Date : 2004-06-22 DOI:10.5860/choice.41-2337
R. Halloran
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引用次数: 30

Abstract

The New Chinese Empire: And What it Means for the United States. By Ross Terrill. New York: Basic Books, 2003. 432 pages. $30.00. Reviewed by Richard Halloran, formerly with The New York Times as a foreign correspondent in Asia and military correspondent in Washington, who writes about US and Asia relations from Honolulu. This is an altogether splendid book, lucid in writing, erudite without condescension, courageous in spirit. The author boldly predicts the end of the Communist Party's rule of China at a date uncertain but to be followed by a time of turbulence. The book should be read by military officers, political leaders, diplomats, business executives, and anyone else who plans to deal seriously with China over the next decade or longer. Terrill's fundamental theme is that the Communist Party is in many ways a lineal descendant of the Chinese dynasties of yore, notably the Manchu or Qing (Ch'ing) that ruled from 1644 to 1912. "The PRC," he writes, referring to the People's Republic of China, "is an empire in that it appropriates an imperial idea of China, reinventing a 2,500 year old autocracy to control its population and hector non-Chinese neighboring peoples." The author, who is at the Center for East Asian Research at Harvard, sees today's Chinese regime as a party-state in contrast to the nation-states of the West. In a nation-state, sovereignty resides in the people and power percolates from the bottom up. In Terrill's party-state, sovereignty is held by the party, which controls the government as power trickles down. That party-state, to borrow a Marxist phrase, contains the seeds of its own destruction. "The Beijing regime is overstretched on its western and southeastern flanks, deeply corrupt, politically unstable, yet extremely ambitious," Terrill says. It has become vulnerable because "Communism has outlived its world historical role. Economic growth and crude nationalism are insufficient supports for long-term continuance of a regime. No cultural tissue connects government and people. A hovering army of unemployed grows." Terrill, who has written six other books about China, asserts that China cannot evolve but will crash, as have the dynasties before it. "I believe the Chinese populace and the rest of the world really will notice when the CCP [Chinese Communist Party] loses its monopoly of political power," he contends. "No regime in Chinese history has ever given up power without bloodshed. I do not believe the CCP party-state will be the first." In the long run, Terrill holds out a gleam of hope for the Chinese and everyone who believes that democracy is the last best hope of the human race. He says a democratic China "will ultimately come into existence, ending the dream of a Chinese empire. China as a democratic federation could be a leading force in the world and our fruitful partner in Asia for decades." Such a nation, he maintains, "infused with the actual wishes, wisdom, and heterogeneous strands of thought of the populace, will be worthy of Chinese civilization." This will not happen easily or soon. "Simple prudence," Terrill concludes, "requires the United States and the rest of the world to prepare for drastic political discontinuity within China." The coming changes, he says, "will affect every American and also every East Asian and Central Asian who lives on China's borders. …
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新中国:对美国意味着什么
新中国:对美国意味着什么。罗斯·泰瑞尔著。纽约:基础图书,2003。432页。30.00美元。作者:Richard Halloran,曾任《纽约时报》驻亚洲外国记者和驻华盛顿军事记者,在檀香山报道美国和亚洲关系。这是一本非常出色的书,文笔清晰,博学而不傲慢,精神勇敢。作者大胆地预测,中国共产党的统治将在一个不确定的日期结束,但随后将是一个动荡的时期。军官、政治领导人、外交官、企业高管,以及任何计划在未来十年或更长时间里认真对待中国的人,都应该阅读这本书。泰瑞尔的基本主题是,共产党在很多方面都是中国历代王朝的直系后裔,尤其是1644年至1912年统治中国的满清王朝。“中华人民共和国,”他写道,“是一个帝国,因为它挪用了中国的帝国思想,重塑了一个2500年的专制制度,以控制其人口,并恐吓非中国的邻国人民。”在哈佛大学东亚研究中心工作的作者认为,与西方的民族国家相比,今天的中国政权是一个党国政权。在一个民族国家里,主权属于人民,权力自下而上渗透。在泰瑞尔的党国主义中,主权掌握在党手中,党控制着政府,权力涓滴而下。借用马克思主义的说法,党国包含着自我毁灭的种子。“北京政权在其西部和东南部过度扩张,腐败严重,政治不稳定,但野心勃勃,”泰瑞尔说。它变得脆弱,因为“共产主义已经失去了它在世界历史上的角色”。经济增长和粗暴的民族主义不足以支撑一个政权的长期延续。没有文化组织将政府和人民联系起来。失业大军在不断壮大。”泰瑞尔还写了六本关于中国的书,他断言中国不会进化,只会崩溃,就像之前的王朝一样。他说:“我相信中国民众和世界其他地方真的会注意到,中国共产党何时会失去对政治权力的垄断。”“中国历史上没有一个政权不流血放弃权力的。我不相信中共党国会是第一个。”从长远来看,泰瑞尔为中国人和所有相信民主是人类最后最好的希望的人带来了一线希望。他说,一个民主的中国“将最终实现,终结中华帝国的梦想”。中国作为一个民主联邦可以成为世界上的领导力量和我们在亚洲的富有成效的合作伙伴几十年。”他坚持认为,这样一个国家,“充满了民众的实际愿望、智慧和异质思想,将无愧于中华文明。”这不会轻易发生,也不会很快发生。“简单的谨慎,”泰瑞尔总结道,“要求美国和世界其他国家为中国内部剧烈的政治动荡做好准备。”他说,即将到来的变化“将影响到生活在中国边境上的每一个美国人,以及每一个东亚和中亚人。...
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