Securing Japan: Tokyo's Grand Strategy and the Future of East Asia

Q3 Arts and Humanities Parameters Pub Date : 2008-09-22 DOI:10.5860/choice.45-4040
R. Halloran
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引用次数: 142

Abstract

Securing Japan: Tokyo's Grand Strategy and the Future of East Asia. By Richard J. Samuels. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2007. 277 pages. $49.95 ($19.95 paper). The author, a scholar at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who has specialized in Japanese affairs for many years, identifies his thesis in the opening line: "Many Japanese analysts do not believe Japan now has a coherent grand strategy, and more than a few insist that it has never had one." This reviewer agrees with that judgment. Professor Samuels, however, strives mightily over the next 210 pages to show that Japan, indeed, has had a grand strategy since the Meiji Restoration of 1868 when it left its feudal age and leapt into the modern era. "Japanese security policy," Samuels asserts, "has traveled a consistent path since the nineteenth century." In that time, Japan entered the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902 to ally itself with Britain, then a powerful empire whose navy ruled the waves. In 1940, Japan signed the Tripartite Pact to join the Axis of Nazi Germany and fascist Italy, which Samuels fails to mention. After that pact ended in utter defeat, Japan signed a mutual security treaty with the United States. Samuels sees all those alliances and relationships as crafting a grand strategy. They might be better labeled, in the kindest interpretation, as a series of pragmatic and expedient maneuvers to align Japan with the prevailing power of the time. Japan, a middle-sized, resource-poor island nation, is stuck in a rough neighborhood and needs outside friends to survive, not to mention prosper. The author makes much of the "Yoshida Doctrine," named for the late Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, the towering figure who led Japan out of the valley of death following World War II. The Japanese, however, do not favor doctrines, preferring instead vague guidelines that permit freedom of action when circumstances change. Yoshida, ever the practical politician, is not known to have ever used the term. Nor did his "deshi" or followers such as Prime Ministers Hayato Ikeda, Eisaku Sato, Kakuei Tanaka, and on through Kiichi Miyazawa, a lineage lasting until 1993. Samuels says the first Japanese to cite the Yoshida Doctrine was Masataka Kosaka, who in 1963 was credited with first use of the term. It is interesting that the author only identifies him as an adviser of Yoshida's. In any event, most scholars agree that the concept of the Yoshida Doctrine rests on two principles: (1) Rely on America to ensure Japan's security while Japan does the minimum necessary to defend itself, and (2) Place maximum effort on economic development, largely through export of goods to pay for much-needed imports. Japan has put those two principles of security policy into practice for the last half century. The nation spends only one percent of its gross national product on defense, a limit endorsed by Japanese taxpayers. Its armed forces are about the 25th largest in the world and are circumscribed with constitutional, legal, and political restraints. …
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保护日本:东京的大战略与东亚的未来
保护日本:东京的大战略与东亚的未来。理查德·塞缪尔斯著。伊萨卡,纽约:康奈尔大学出版社,2007。277页。49.95美元(纸质书19.95美元)。作者是麻省理工学院(Massachusetts Institute of Technology)的学者,多年来一直专门研究日本事务。他在书的开头就指出了自己的论点:“许多日本分析人士不相信日本现在有一个连贯的大战略,而且有不少人坚持认为日本从未有过一个大战略。”本文评论员同意这一判断。然而,萨缪尔斯教授在接下来的210页中不遗余力地表明,自1868年明治维新(Meiji Restoration)以来,日本确实有一个宏大的战略,当时日本离开了封建时代,跨入了现代。“日本的安全政策,”塞缪尔斯断言,“自19世纪以来一直走在一条一致的道路上。”当时,日本加入了1902年的英日同盟,与当时海军统治海洋的强大帝国英国结盟。该条约以彻底失败告终后,日本与美国签署了一项共同安全条约。塞缪尔认为所有这些联盟和关系都是在制定一个大战略。从最善意的角度来看,它们或许更应该被称为一系列务实和权宜之计,目的是让日本与当时的主流大国保持一致。日本是一个中等规模、资源贫乏的岛国,周边环境恶劣,需要外部的朋友才能生存,更不用说繁荣了。作者以二战后带领日本走出死亡之谷的杰出人物、已故首相吉田茂(Shigeru Yoshida)的名字命名了“吉田主义”。然而,日本人不喜欢教条主义,而是喜欢模糊的指导方针,允许在情况变化时自由行动。吉田曾经是一位务实的政治家,但据说他从未使用过这个词。他的“德系”或追随者,如首相池田大作、佐藤荣作、田中角荣,以及宫泽喜一,也都没有,他们的世系一直延续到1993年。塞缪尔斯说,第一个引用吉田主义的日本人是小坂正孝,1963年,他被认为是第一个使用这个词的人。有趣的是,作者只指出他是吉田的顾问。无论如何,大多数学者都同意吉田主义的概念建立在两个原则之上:(1)依靠美国来确保日本的安全,而日本只做必要的最低限度的自卫;(2)最大限度地致力于经济发展,主要是通过出口商品来支付急需的进口商品。在过去的半个世纪里,日本将这两项安全政策原则付诸实践。日本的国防开支只占国民生产总值的1%,这是日本纳税人认可的上限。它的武装力量是世界上第25大的,并且受到宪法、法律和政治的限制。…
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