Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution

IF 0.3 4区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORICAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2011-05-01 DOI:10.5860/choice.48-4131
Anthony G. Pazzanita
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Abstract

Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution. By Stephen Zunes and Jacob Mundy. Syracuse Studies in Peace and Conflict Resolution. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2010. Pp. xxxvii, 319; maps, bibliography, glossary, index. $49.95. In the autumn of 2010, several thousand Western Saharans (known as Saharawis) set up an encampment at the settlement of Gdaim Izik, a few kilometers east of the territorial capital of El-Ayoun, in order to protest the actions of Morocco, which has occupied the former Spanish colony since late 1975 and whose disputed status has produced a diplomatic impasse of over three decades' duration. The Gdaim Izik camp was designed by its organizers to be a nonviolent way of resisting the political repression, economic corruption and favoritism, and general lack of development and opportunities by Morocco, which has characterized the occupation. News of the camp- as well as the conditions that led to its establishment- spread rapidly by means of electronic social media unheard of only a decade ago, including Facebook and Twitter as well as cell phones and Internet videos. All of this publicity had been steadily restricting- probably permanently- the ability of Morocco to control which information about the territory was accessible to outsiders. But on November 8, Rabat's formidable security forces struck back, forcibly dismantling the camp and injuring and arresting perhaps hundreds of protesters. At least two dozen persons on both sides were killed, and rioting soon spread to the center of El-Ayoun in what was the worst outbreak of unrest in Western Sahara in many years. The actions at Gdaim Izik also captured the attention, however temporarily, of the international mainstream news media, focusing renewed attention on the struggle between Morocco and the Polisario Front, which has always advocated an independent Western Sahara. Gdaim Izik was also an eerie forerunner of the massive unrest in North Africa that toppled Tunisia's dictatorship in January 2011 and Egypt's a month later, and put several other North African and Middle Eastern regimes, including those in Libya, Syria and Bahrain, under severe popular pressure. With the situation in Western Sahara and the region as a whole in such flux, it is essential for interested persons to have a one-volume history and analysis of this long conflict that is both factually correct and takes account of not only Morocco and Polisario, but also other regional and external actors, including France and the United States. The authors of Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution largely succeed in giving the reader a comprehensive tour d'horizon of the dispute, one that begins with the 1975-91 war between Morocco and Polisario and continues with chapters describing the political rivalries in North Africa, which strongly affected the conflict, the policies of external actors, the development of Saharawi nationalism, and the "expressions" of that nationalism with respect both to events in the Moroccan-occupied zone of Western Sahara and in Polisario' s system of refugee camps in the Tindouf region of southwestern Algeria. There is also an extensive treatment of the United Nations effort during the 1990s (and beyond) that at first sought to hold a referendum of self-determination among the indigenous inhabitants of the territory (an endeavor that foundered due mostly to Morocco's extravagant demand that tens of thousands of persons previously disqualified from voting should be allowed to cast ballots after all), followed by a plan for the institution of some form of internal autonomy for the territory under overall Moroccan sovereignty. Prospects for the realization of this alternative are dim, not only because of Polisario's categorical rejection of the concept but also due to the reluctance of some UN Security Council members to countenance a non-referendum solution to the conflict. The chapters describing and analyzing this issue (pp. …
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西撒哈拉:战争、民族主义和冲突无法解决
西撒哈拉:战争、民族主义和冲突无法解决。作者:Stephen Zunes和Jacob Mundy。雪城大学和平与冲突解决研究。锡拉丘兹,纽约州:锡拉丘兹大学出版社,2010。第三十七页,319页;地图、参考书目、词汇表、索引。49.95美元。2010年秋天,数千名西撒哈拉人(被称为撒哈拉人)在格达姆·伊兹克定居点安营扎寨,该定居点位于首都艾尤恩以东几公里处,目的是抗议摩洛哥的行为。摩洛哥自1975年底以来一直占领了这个前西班牙殖民地,其争议地位导致了长达30多年的外交僵局。gaim Izik营地的组织者将其设计为一种非暴力的方式,以抵抗摩洛哥的政治压迫、经济腐败和偏袒,以及普遍缺乏发展和机会,这些都是占领的特点。有关该营地的消息——以及导致其建立的条件——通过电子社交媒体迅速传播,这些媒体在十年前还闻所未闻,包括Facebook和Twitter,以及手机和互联网视频。所有这些公开不断地- -可能是永久地- -限制了摩洛哥控制哪些关于该领土的信息对外开放的能力。但在11月8日,拉巴特强大的安全部队进行了反击,强行拆除了营地,打伤并逮捕了大约数百名抗议者。双方至少有二十多人被杀,骚乱很快蔓延到El-Ayoun中心,这是西撒哈拉多年来爆发的最严重的骚乱。格达因·伊齐克的行动也引起了国际主流新闻媒介的注意,尽管只是暂时的,使人们重新注意到摩洛哥与波利萨里奥阵线之间的斗争,后者一直主张建立一个独立的西撒哈拉。2011年1月,北非爆发了大规模动乱,推翻了突尼斯的独裁统治,一个月后又推翻了埃及的独裁统治,并使其他几个北非和中东政权,包括利比亚、叙利亚和巴林的政权,承受着巨大的民众压力。由于西撒哈拉和整个区域的局势不断变化,有兴趣的人必须对这一长期冲突有一卷的历史和分析,既要符合事实,又要考虑到摩洛哥和波利萨里奥,而且还要考虑到包括法国和美国在内的其他区域和外部行动者。西撒哈拉的作者:战争、民族主义和冲突不解决在很大程度上成功地为读者提供了一个全面的争端之旅,从1975-91年摩洛哥和波利萨里奥之间的战争开始,继续描述北非的政治竞争,这强烈影响了冲突,外部行为者的政策,撒哈拉民族主义的发展,以及这种民族主义对摩洛哥占领的西撒哈拉地区和波利萨里奥阵线在阿尔及利亚西南部廷杜夫地区的难民营系统所发生的事件的“表现”。书中还广泛地叙述了联合国在1990年代(及以后)所作的努力,最初试图在该领土的土著居民中举行一次自决的公民投票(这一努力失败的主要原因是摩洛哥过分要求让成千上万以前没有资格投票的人最终投票)。其次是在摩洛哥整体主权下的领土建立某种形式的内部自治的计划。实现这一替代方案的前景渺茫,不仅因为波利萨里奥明确拒绝这一概念,而且还因为一些联合国安理会成员不愿支持以非全民公决的方式解决冲突。描述和分析这个问题的章节(. ...页)
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期刊介绍: The International Journal of African Historical Studies (IJAHS) is devoted to the study of the African past. Norman Bennett was the founder and guiding force behind the journal’s growth from its first incarnation at Boston University as African Historical Studies in 1968. He remained its editor for more than thirty years. The title was expanded to the International Journal of African Historical Studies in 1972, when Africana Publishers Holmes and Meier took over publication and distribution for the next decade. Beginning in 1982, the African Studies Center once again assumed full responsibility for production and distribution. Jean Hay served as the journal’s production editor from 1979 to 1995, and editor from 1998 to her retirement in 2005. Michael DiBlasi is the current editor, and James McCann and Diana Wylie are associate editors of the journal. Members of the editorial board include: Emmanuel Akyeampong, Peter Alegi, Misty Bastian, Sara Berry, Barbara Cooper, Marc Epprecht, Lidwien Kapteijns, Meredith McKittrick, Pashington Obang, David Schoenbrun, Heather Sharkey, Ann B. Stahl, John Thornton, and Rudolph Ware III. The journal publishes three issues each year (April, August, and December). Articles, notes, and documents submitted to the journal should be based on original research and framed in terms of historical analysis. Contributions in archaeology, history, anthropology, historical ecology, political science, political ecology, and economic history are welcome. Articles that highlight European administrators, settlers, or colonial policies should be submitted elsewhere, unless they deal substantially with interactions with (or the affects on) African societies.
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