{"title":"The sounds of silence: Thai meditative practice for personal and political change","authors":"Julia Cassaniti","doi":"10.1111/aman.13923","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>In the middle of Benjamin Tausig's (<span>2019</span>) <i>Bangkok Is Ringing: Sound, Protest, and Constraint</i>, amid the clamor of crowds protesting military suppression and the voices of those who would not be silenced, the narrative suddenly becomes quiet. Tausig focuses in on a man named Kittisak Janpeng (Diew) sitting silently among the protestors. He was protesting without words, a nonverbal reaction to political violence. By meditating, Tausig tells us, “Diew created a striking visual and sonic contrast with the busy event around him.” When Tausig later contacts Diew for an interview, Diew explained how “I sat and meditated in front of the tanks for five or six hours [that day]” (90). His actions, though silent, reflected their own kind of affective reverberations among the noise. “With quiet and silence as dynamic poetic resources, it is possible,” Tausig says, “that his silence achieved a political mobility that no sound could have matched” (91).</p><p>In a much less politically charged space, in the far north of the country, a woman named Gaew had also decided that meditation was a key to solving problems. In the quieter but still bustling city of Chiang Mai, Gaew explained to me that I wouldn't be seeing her for a while, as she was about to begin a 10-day silent meditation retreat at the nearby <i>vipassana</i> center of Wat Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong. “I've been really scattered lately,” Gaew told me when I asked her why she was going to the retreat. Her life was so busy, with her job and an extended family all relying on her, and I was surprised she would prioritize the time away. “I've been forgetful, and it will help.” I had noticed this, too: Gaew had recently started missing appointments and forgetting to bring things with her when she went out. The silent meditation, she felt, could help her to develop what she saw as her increasingly muddled mind, just as Diew felt that his practice could develop the potential for social change.</p><p>But how? Amid the different contexts for practice that Diew, Gaew, and the thousands of others who participate in Buddhist meditation in Thailand, silence is regularly enacted as a purposeful, pragmatic practice. Silent meditation is well known as a technique of discipline and development in Thailand, ensconced in a large tradition of Thai Buddhist practice, with social implications for those who undergo it. In this essay, I address some of the ways that silence as practice works through meditation in Thailand, as a means to explore the multivocal, affective effects that can emanate from them.</p><p>In bringing together the silent political protest of a Buddhist activist in Bangkok with the kinds of encounters that my friend Gaew engaged with in silent meditation, I consider the shared potential of both. Such a consideration speaks to an anthropology of silence that, as Ana Dragojlovic (<span>2023</span>) writes, neither “celebrates the silent agency that resides in radical alterity nor imposes the idea of speech as the only pathway for achieving equality and empowerment.” By paying attention to silence as affectively laden attuned listening, and to the altered connection with sound that its enactment affords, we can start to make sense of some of the social reverberations that occur in contemporary Buddhist expressions of silent practice. Silence as attuned listening becomes not only relationally meaningful but also political (Dragojlovic and Samuels, <span>2023</span>; Cassaniti, <span>forthcoming</span>), with effects that are loaded with culturally elaborated ideas about power and influence.</p><p>Gaew didn't talk about her experience with meditation after her retreat. I have found that people rarely do. In my own experiences of meditation (Cassaniti, <span>2015</span>, <span>2018</span>), I had, in early retreats, taken part in long conversations after leaving, as if a dam of silence had broken, but following later retreats I found I had less of a need to talk afterward, and almost reveled in the quiet. Michal Pagis (<span>2010, 2019</span>) found a similar pattern among meditation practitioners; even journaling about one's experiences of meditation decreased over time, as ruminative discourse lessened within the mind as well as without. This trained, purposeful movement toward silence and nonrumination makes meditation difficult to write about. How do we understand the affective space created through meditative training, then, without demanding discourse about it? The logic of silent, corporeal practice eludes straightforward representations. Our bodies and minds, our personal histories and social contexts, are all so different from one another that simply “doing what others do” does not necessarily mean “feeling what others feel.” Practice, though, may be a useful methodological tool to explore the silence of meditation, particularly when we take into account, as cultural phenomenologists do (Csordas, <span>1999</span>; Desjarlais and Throop, <span>2011</span>; Luhrmann, <span>2020</span>), an attention to the contingencies of personal stance. Keeping these factors in mind, it can help us to get closer to the “ineffable horizon” of affective experience (Gregg et al., <span>2010</span>).</p><p>Because meditation becomes understandable largely by experiencing its bodily techniques, I signed up for a retreat at the renowned Wat Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong a few weeks after Gaew finished hers at the same monastery. By practicing silence in this way, I learned some of the phenomenal, corporeal practices of meditation that Gaew experienced, and by extension those of Diew and the many others who undergo some of the various styles of meditation found in Thailand. Each day at the monastery I woke up with the morning bell at 4 a.m. and had morning and midday meals at 6 and 11 a.m. I met very briefly with a monk in the evenings to report on my progress, and like the hundreds of others quietly moving around the meditation grounds, the rest of the day was spent in silence, walking or sitting for preset periods of time. At our own personal(ized) levels of meditative skill we were all instructed to aim for a set number of hours of meditation a day, for an uninterrupted hour at a time. I was given the task of scanning my body for changing sensations while sitting or walking, and later of focusing on particular spots on my feet, head, and back. The monastery was tranquil, with the feeling of quietness understood to be both an effect of silence and a tool for its development. One is taught to cultivate silence, but in addition to the idealized meditator practicing undisturbed in a jungle (McDaniel, <span>2011</span>) or cave (Jirattikorn, <span>2016</span>), it is thought that one should aim not to be distracted even amid a cacophony of sound, even of the kind Diew positioned himself in during the Bangkok protests.</p><p>I was almost completely silent throughout the days at the monastery, though now and then I and others would quietly joke or whisper to each other. The short, 10-minute “reporting” time each evening was the only break from the silence. These meetings were restrained and straightforward in their delivery; I described my progress, was given advice, and then returned to my silent practice. Their contrast to the rest of the day was marked, drawing attention to the relationality of silence, where silence is always, in a sense, related to sound. In addition to the expression of spiritual expertise that marked these encounters, it may have been in part because of the silence surrounding them, still unusual to ears used to being bombarded with sounds and thoughts, that the space opened up in those few minutes of speech seemed especially significant.</p><p>It is not just in allowing affective space for the “important” work of speech, however, that practicing silence is understood to work to craft change. In addition to the speech that silence contrastively indexes, it also operates through a process of orienting corporeally in new ways. Meditative silence shifts the directionality of attention by “listening,” in the sense of attending and attuning, to modes of expression that are not just verbal. In the first few days at the monastery, my mind was filled with discursive rumination, but as the days went by, I felt my mind become quieter and, at the same time, my senses sharpen. I noticed more and more subtle sensations, even in the relatively early stage of meditative training that I was in, and I heard sounds that must have been there the whole time but that I hadn't noticed earlier. I became more attuned to my own body and mind, and in doing so became more attuned as well to the interpersonal space that I and the others were occupying. Although I didn't interact with the others verbally, there was a shared sense of being and practicing together that became more pronounced over time, in the construction of a nondiscursive shared environment. Without consciously thinking about another's subjective experience, the heightened awareness created a subtle affective attunement to others.</p><p>The phenomenal experiences that Gaew, Diew, and I will encounter in silent meditation are all different; beyond the differences that our own personal histories and bodies bring to bear, there are many different lineages and cultural traditions at play in meditative centers in Thailand (Schedneck, <span>2015</span>; Skilton, Crosby, and Kyaw, <span>2019</span>; Violi, <span>2008</span>). But from my experience at Wat Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong and in retreats and ethnographic interviews with hundreds of other monastic and lay practitioners in Thailand, I have come to appreciate some of the shared affective characteristics that meditation cultivates. Silence invites, or “kindles” (Cassaniti and Luhrmann, <span>2014</span>), a different way of relating to others, and it is here that silence can be seen, at least in this context, for its potential to craft change. When one isn't thinking or preparing, as we often do, for the performative requirements of a potential social encounter, silence shifts sensory focus and allows the mind to attend with a sharper sensitivity to a situation. Following Foucauldian and Aristotelian models of ethical pedagogy, through this new mode of attention, the silence of meditation crafts a series of dispositions that reshape intersubjective as well as individual experience. Although changes indirectly alluded to through silence aren't necessarily easy to surmise (Samuels, <span>2023</span>), on her return from the monastery, Gaew seemed to me to move a little more slowly, to think a little more, and, importantly, to provoke others to do so too. The trained effects of silent practice afforded—both in Gibson's (<span>1979</span>) and in a practical sense—others space to attune to her, and to change themselves in the process.</p><p>The effects of silent practice were also felt by Diew and others during the protest, this time at a larger social and political level. In sitting silently, Diew was not only putting into the space a particular kind of affective reverberation but also summoning others to “tune” into the reverberations as well. The affective reverberations developed through interpersonal attunement can, of course, occur in speech as well as out of it. But the particular kind of “sound” created through Diew's demonstration of silence had its own significance, through the symbolic and corporeal alignment with a moralized Buddhist understanding of mental discernment. The slowing down of actions is here tied to a different modality of attention to social atrocities of the kind being protested against than the typical rhetorical practice of political protest. The creation of a silent space can reorient as it reduces the pace of the action, allowing for a reconnection and recognition of shared humanity that can be dangerous for regimes used to imposing their will through speech and violence. It is here, I think, that silent protest can serve, as Sophia Hatzisavvidou (<span>2015</span>) puts it, to disrupt an established set of routine practices.</p><p>It is not just as symbolic representation of a moral high ground or a slowing down of space as a contrast to sound that silent meditation works here to disrupt the structural stability of particular and entrenched social patterns. The practice of silence as its own kind of “sound” is as much about corporeal experience as it is about symbolism or semantic indexicality. As the phenomenologist Merleau-Ponty (<span>2002</span>) drew our attention to, we shape and are shaped by our physical and sociocultural environments. The socially meaningful environment of Thai meditation represents an important shared site for this reshaping. In emphasizing a somatic mode of attention (Csordas, <span>2002</span>), silence shifts the ways in which we attune (Throop, <span>2017</span>; Zigon, <span>2014</span>) to each other and our environment.</p><p>“I just meditate,” Diew says. “Sometimes someone sees me sitting, and her husband died, so she sits for a long time . . . we feel pity (<i>songsan</i>) for each other. We feel sympathy for our brothers and sisters who died. Sometimes we have to meditate as our tears run” (Tausig, <span>2019</span>, 91). Even as meditation is a personal—some would say very individual—activity, here as elsewhere it is also deeply interpersonal. Zigon (<span>2019</span>, 1006) points out, using Levinas's idea of the Other, that ethical subjects come to be constituted largely through relationships with others, and that this relationality begins in the bodily materiality of the face of the Other. When confronted with another—whether a general in a tank, a friend at a meditation retreat, or a stranger whose husband had died—we are called on, and call on others in the process, to attune as ethical subjects. Language is typically central to discussions on attunement in anthropological scholarship, but here we can see silence as a potent medium for this intersubjective, affective communication.</p><p>In this essay, I have described some of the methods and effects by which silence acts meaningfully for Diew, Gaew, myself, and others in Thailand. The experiences that I have drawn attention to demonstrate how silence can be thought of as not just a state of being or a relative absence but a practiced process cultivated in culturally meaningful ways. As anthropologists interested in understanding the mechanisms of social change, silence can serve as a key site in which to attune to our informants, as we attend to the affective reverberations of interpersonal space. The idea of “attuning”—along with that of “reverberations”—invokes metaphors of sound, but the attunement of silent meditation reflects not just silence as speech, or even the intervals between speech, but the bodily and affective practices that are part of relating to others. By attending to the affective reverberations developed and expressed in silence—in meditation and elsewhere—we create spaces that open new analytic possibilities for understanding others, and creating personal and social change.</p>","PeriodicalId":7697,"journal":{"name":"American Anthropologist","volume":"125 4","pages":"888-891"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6000,"publicationDate":"2023-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"American Anthropologist","FirstCategoryId":"90","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/aman.13923","RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q1","JCRName":"ANTHROPOLOGY","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
In the middle of Benjamin Tausig's (2019) Bangkok Is Ringing: Sound, Protest, and Constraint, amid the clamor of crowds protesting military suppression and the voices of those who would not be silenced, the narrative suddenly becomes quiet. Tausig focuses in on a man named Kittisak Janpeng (Diew) sitting silently among the protestors. He was protesting without words, a nonverbal reaction to political violence. By meditating, Tausig tells us, “Diew created a striking visual and sonic contrast with the busy event around him.” When Tausig later contacts Diew for an interview, Diew explained how “I sat and meditated in front of the tanks for five or six hours [that day]” (90). His actions, though silent, reflected their own kind of affective reverberations among the noise. “With quiet and silence as dynamic poetic resources, it is possible,” Tausig says, “that his silence achieved a political mobility that no sound could have matched” (91).
In a much less politically charged space, in the far north of the country, a woman named Gaew had also decided that meditation was a key to solving problems. In the quieter but still bustling city of Chiang Mai, Gaew explained to me that I wouldn't be seeing her for a while, as she was about to begin a 10-day silent meditation retreat at the nearby vipassana center of Wat Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong. “I've been really scattered lately,” Gaew told me when I asked her why she was going to the retreat. Her life was so busy, with her job and an extended family all relying on her, and I was surprised she would prioritize the time away. “I've been forgetful, and it will help.” I had noticed this, too: Gaew had recently started missing appointments and forgetting to bring things with her when she went out. The silent meditation, she felt, could help her to develop what she saw as her increasingly muddled mind, just as Diew felt that his practice could develop the potential for social change.
But how? Amid the different contexts for practice that Diew, Gaew, and the thousands of others who participate in Buddhist meditation in Thailand, silence is regularly enacted as a purposeful, pragmatic practice. Silent meditation is well known as a technique of discipline and development in Thailand, ensconced in a large tradition of Thai Buddhist practice, with social implications for those who undergo it. In this essay, I address some of the ways that silence as practice works through meditation in Thailand, as a means to explore the multivocal, affective effects that can emanate from them.
In bringing together the silent political protest of a Buddhist activist in Bangkok with the kinds of encounters that my friend Gaew engaged with in silent meditation, I consider the shared potential of both. Such a consideration speaks to an anthropology of silence that, as Ana Dragojlovic (2023) writes, neither “celebrates the silent agency that resides in radical alterity nor imposes the idea of speech as the only pathway for achieving equality and empowerment.” By paying attention to silence as affectively laden attuned listening, and to the altered connection with sound that its enactment affords, we can start to make sense of some of the social reverberations that occur in contemporary Buddhist expressions of silent practice. Silence as attuned listening becomes not only relationally meaningful but also political (Dragojlovic and Samuels, 2023; Cassaniti, forthcoming), with effects that are loaded with culturally elaborated ideas about power and influence.
Gaew didn't talk about her experience with meditation after her retreat. I have found that people rarely do. In my own experiences of meditation (Cassaniti, 2015, 2018), I had, in early retreats, taken part in long conversations after leaving, as if a dam of silence had broken, but following later retreats I found I had less of a need to talk afterward, and almost reveled in the quiet. Michal Pagis (2010, 2019) found a similar pattern among meditation practitioners; even journaling about one's experiences of meditation decreased over time, as ruminative discourse lessened within the mind as well as without. This trained, purposeful movement toward silence and nonrumination makes meditation difficult to write about. How do we understand the affective space created through meditative training, then, without demanding discourse about it? The logic of silent, corporeal practice eludes straightforward representations. Our bodies and minds, our personal histories and social contexts, are all so different from one another that simply “doing what others do” does not necessarily mean “feeling what others feel.” Practice, though, may be a useful methodological tool to explore the silence of meditation, particularly when we take into account, as cultural phenomenologists do (Csordas, 1999; Desjarlais and Throop, 2011; Luhrmann, 2020), an attention to the contingencies of personal stance. Keeping these factors in mind, it can help us to get closer to the “ineffable horizon” of affective experience (Gregg et al., 2010).
Because meditation becomes understandable largely by experiencing its bodily techniques, I signed up for a retreat at the renowned Wat Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong a few weeks after Gaew finished hers at the same monastery. By practicing silence in this way, I learned some of the phenomenal, corporeal practices of meditation that Gaew experienced, and by extension those of Diew and the many others who undergo some of the various styles of meditation found in Thailand. Each day at the monastery I woke up with the morning bell at 4 a.m. and had morning and midday meals at 6 and 11 a.m. I met very briefly with a monk in the evenings to report on my progress, and like the hundreds of others quietly moving around the meditation grounds, the rest of the day was spent in silence, walking or sitting for preset periods of time. At our own personal(ized) levels of meditative skill we were all instructed to aim for a set number of hours of meditation a day, for an uninterrupted hour at a time. I was given the task of scanning my body for changing sensations while sitting or walking, and later of focusing on particular spots on my feet, head, and back. The monastery was tranquil, with the feeling of quietness understood to be both an effect of silence and a tool for its development. One is taught to cultivate silence, but in addition to the idealized meditator practicing undisturbed in a jungle (McDaniel, 2011) or cave (Jirattikorn, 2016), it is thought that one should aim not to be distracted even amid a cacophony of sound, even of the kind Diew positioned himself in during the Bangkok protests.
I was almost completely silent throughout the days at the monastery, though now and then I and others would quietly joke or whisper to each other. The short, 10-minute “reporting” time each evening was the only break from the silence. These meetings were restrained and straightforward in their delivery; I described my progress, was given advice, and then returned to my silent practice. Their contrast to the rest of the day was marked, drawing attention to the relationality of silence, where silence is always, in a sense, related to sound. In addition to the expression of spiritual expertise that marked these encounters, it may have been in part because of the silence surrounding them, still unusual to ears used to being bombarded with sounds and thoughts, that the space opened up in those few minutes of speech seemed especially significant.
It is not just in allowing affective space for the “important” work of speech, however, that practicing silence is understood to work to craft change. In addition to the speech that silence contrastively indexes, it also operates through a process of orienting corporeally in new ways. Meditative silence shifts the directionality of attention by “listening,” in the sense of attending and attuning, to modes of expression that are not just verbal. In the first few days at the monastery, my mind was filled with discursive rumination, but as the days went by, I felt my mind become quieter and, at the same time, my senses sharpen. I noticed more and more subtle sensations, even in the relatively early stage of meditative training that I was in, and I heard sounds that must have been there the whole time but that I hadn't noticed earlier. I became more attuned to my own body and mind, and in doing so became more attuned as well to the interpersonal space that I and the others were occupying. Although I didn't interact with the others verbally, there was a shared sense of being and practicing together that became more pronounced over time, in the construction of a nondiscursive shared environment. Without consciously thinking about another's subjective experience, the heightened awareness created a subtle affective attunement to others.
The phenomenal experiences that Gaew, Diew, and I will encounter in silent meditation are all different; beyond the differences that our own personal histories and bodies bring to bear, there are many different lineages and cultural traditions at play in meditative centers in Thailand (Schedneck, 2015; Skilton, Crosby, and Kyaw, 2019; Violi, 2008). But from my experience at Wat Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong and in retreats and ethnographic interviews with hundreds of other monastic and lay practitioners in Thailand, I have come to appreciate some of the shared affective characteristics that meditation cultivates. Silence invites, or “kindles” (Cassaniti and Luhrmann, 2014), a different way of relating to others, and it is here that silence can be seen, at least in this context, for its potential to craft change. When one isn't thinking or preparing, as we often do, for the performative requirements of a potential social encounter, silence shifts sensory focus and allows the mind to attend with a sharper sensitivity to a situation. Following Foucauldian and Aristotelian models of ethical pedagogy, through this new mode of attention, the silence of meditation crafts a series of dispositions that reshape intersubjective as well as individual experience. Although changes indirectly alluded to through silence aren't necessarily easy to surmise (Samuels, 2023), on her return from the monastery, Gaew seemed to me to move a little more slowly, to think a little more, and, importantly, to provoke others to do so too. The trained effects of silent practice afforded—both in Gibson's (1979) and in a practical sense—others space to attune to her, and to change themselves in the process.
The effects of silent practice were also felt by Diew and others during the protest, this time at a larger social and political level. In sitting silently, Diew was not only putting into the space a particular kind of affective reverberation but also summoning others to “tune” into the reverberations as well. The affective reverberations developed through interpersonal attunement can, of course, occur in speech as well as out of it. But the particular kind of “sound” created through Diew's demonstration of silence had its own significance, through the symbolic and corporeal alignment with a moralized Buddhist understanding of mental discernment. The slowing down of actions is here tied to a different modality of attention to social atrocities of the kind being protested against than the typical rhetorical practice of political protest. The creation of a silent space can reorient as it reduces the pace of the action, allowing for a reconnection and recognition of shared humanity that can be dangerous for regimes used to imposing their will through speech and violence. It is here, I think, that silent protest can serve, as Sophia Hatzisavvidou (2015) puts it, to disrupt an established set of routine practices.
It is not just as symbolic representation of a moral high ground or a slowing down of space as a contrast to sound that silent meditation works here to disrupt the structural stability of particular and entrenched social patterns. The practice of silence as its own kind of “sound” is as much about corporeal experience as it is about symbolism or semantic indexicality. As the phenomenologist Merleau-Ponty (2002) drew our attention to, we shape and are shaped by our physical and sociocultural environments. The socially meaningful environment of Thai meditation represents an important shared site for this reshaping. In emphasizing a somatic mode of attention (Csordas, 2002), silence shifts the ways in which we attune (Throop, 2017; Zigon, 2014) to each other and our environment.
“I just meditate,” Diew says. “Sometimes someone sees me sitting, and her husband died, so she sits for a long time . . . we feel pity (songsan) for each other. We feel sympathy for our brothers and sisters who died. Sometimes we have to meditate as our tears run” (Tausig, 2019, 91). Even as meditation is a personal—some would say very individual—activity, here as elsewhere it is also deeply interpersonal. Zigon (2019, 1006) points out, using Levinas's idea of the Other, that ethical subjects come to be constituted largely through relationships with others, and that this relationality begins in the bodily materiality of the face of the Other. When confronted with another—whether a general in a tank, a friend at a meditation retreat, or a stranger whose husband had died—we are called on, and call on others in the process, to attune as ethical subjects. Language is typically central to discussions on attunement in anthropological scholarship, but here we can see silence as a potent medium for this intersubjective, affective communication.
In this essay, I have described some of the methods and effects by which silence acts meaningfully for Diew, Gaew, myself, and others in Thailand. The experiences that I have drawn attention to demonstrate how silence can be thought of as not just a state of being or a relative absence but a practiced process cultivated in culturally meaningful ways. As anthropologists interested in understanding the mechanisms of social change, silence can serve as a key site in which to attune to our informants, as we attend to the affective reverberations of interpersonal space. The idea of “attuning”—along with that of “reverberations”—invokes metaphors of sound, but the attunement of silent meditation reflects not just silence as speech, or even the intervals between speech, but the bodily and affective practices that are part of relating to others. By attending to the affective reverberations developed and expressed in silence—in meditation and elsewhere—we create spaces that open new analytic possibilities for understanding others, and creating personal and social change.
在本杰明·陶西格(Benjamin Tausig)(2019)的《曼谷在响:声音、抗议和约束》(Bangkok Is Ringing:Sound,抗议和约束)中,在抗议军事镇压的人群的喧嚣和那些不愿被沉默的人的声音中,叙事突然变得安静起来。陶西格把镜头对准了一个名叫基蒂萨克·詹彭(Diew饰)的人,他静静地坐在抗议者中间。他在无声地抗议,这是对政治暴力的非语言反应。陶西格告诉我们,通过冥想,“迪欧与周围繁忙的活动形成了惊人的视觉和声音对比。”当陶西格后来联系迪欧接受采访时,迪欧解释了“我(那天)在坦克前坐着冥想了五六个小时”(90)。他的行为虽然无声,却反映出噪音中的情感回响。陶西格说:“有了安静和沉默作为充满活力的诗歌资源,他的沉默就有可能实现任何声音都无法比拟的政治流动性。”。在清迈这个安静但仍然繁华的城市,Gaew向我解释说,我有一段时间不会见到她了,因为她即将在附近的普拉达图寺(Wat Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong)的毗婆沙那中心开始为期10天的冥想静修。当我问Gaew为什么要去疗养院时,她告诉我:“我最近真的很分散。”。她的生活如此繁忙,她的工作和大家庭都依赖她,我很惊讶她会优先考虑休假。“我一直很健忘,这会有所帮助。”我也注意到了这一点:Gaew最近开始错过约会,出门时忘记带东西。她觉得,这种无声的冥想可以帮助她发展她所认为的日益混乱的头脑,就像Diew觉得他的练习可以发展社会变革的潜力一样。但是怎么做呢?在不同的修行环境中,吴廷琰、盖和成千上万其他在泰国参加佛教冥想的人,沉默经常被视为一种有目的、务实的修行。静默冥想在泰国是一种众所周知的训练和发展技巧,它植根于泰国佛教实践的一个大传统中,对那些经历它的人来说具有社会意义。在这篇文章中,我通过冥想来探讨静默作为练习在泰国发挥作用的一些方式,以此来探索它们可能产生的多种声音和情感效果。将曼谷一位佛教活动家的无声政治抗议与我的朋友Gaew在无声冥想中的遭遇结合在一起,我认为两者都有共同的潜力。正如安娜·德拉戈伊洛维奇(Ana Dragojlovic,2023)所写,这种考虑说明了一种沉默的人类学,即既没有“庆祝存在于激进争吵中的沉默机构,也没有将言论视为实现平等和赋权的唯一途径”,以及它的颁布所提供的与声音的联系的改变,我们可以开始理解当代佛教无声修行表达中发生的一些社会反响。沉默作为协调的倾听不仅在关系上有意义,而且在政治上也有意义(Dragojlovic和Samuels,2023;Cassaniti,即将出版),其效果充满了关于权力和影响力的文化阐述思想。Gaew在静修后没有谈论她冥想的经历。我发现人们很少这样做。在我自己的冥想经历中(Cassaniti,20152018),在早期的静修中,我在离开后参加了长时间的对话,就好像沉默的堤坝已经被打破了一样,但在后来的静修之后,我发现我不太需要在静修后说话,几乎沉浸在宁静中。Michal Pagis(20102019)在冥想练习者中发现了类似的模式;即使是关于冥想经历的日记也会随着时间的推移而减少,因为沉思的话语在脑海中和脑海外都减少了。这种经过训练、有目的地走向沉默和不沉思的运动使冥想难以书写。那么,在不要求谈论的情况下,我们如何理解通过冥想训练创造的情感空间呢?无声的物质实践的逻辑无法直接表达。我们的身体和思想,我们的个人历史和社会背景,都是如此不同,以至于简单的“做别人做的事”并不一定意味着“感受别人的感受”。然而,练习可能是探索冥想沉默的有用方法论工具,特别是当我们考虑到,正如文化现象学家所做的那样(Csordas,1999;Desjarlais和Throop,2011;Luhrmann,2020),对个人立场偶然性的关注。 记住这些因素,它可以帮助我们更接近情感体验的“无法言说的地平线”(Gregg et al.,2010)。因为冥想在很大程度上是通过体验其身体技巧来理解的,所以在Gaew在同一座修道院完成冥想几周后,我报名参加了著名的Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong寺庙的静修会。通过这种方式练习沉默,我学到了Gaew所经历的一些非凡的、物质的冥想练习,以及Diew和其他许多在泰国经历各种冥想的人所经历的冥想练习。在修道院里,我每天早上4点起床,早上6点和11点吃早午餐。晚上,我与一名僧侣进行了简短的会面,汇报我的进展。和数百名在冥想场上安静活动的其他人一样,一天剩下的时间都是在安静中度过的,步行或坐着预设的时间。在我们个人的冥想技能水平上,我们都被要求每天冥想一定的时间,一次冥想一个小时。我的任务是在坐着或走路时扫描身体以寻找变化的感觉,然后专注于脚、头和背部的特定部位。修道院是宁静的,宁静的感觉被认为既是宁静的效果,也是它发展的工具。人们被教导要培养沉默,但除了理想化的冥想者在丛林(McDaniel,2011)或洞穴(Jirattikorn,2016)中不受干扰地练习外,人们还认为,即使在嘈杂的声音中,也不应该分心,即使是在曼谷抗议活动中吴所处的那种声音中。在修道院的日子里,我几乎完全沉默,尽管有时我和其他人会悄悄地开玩笑或窃窃私语。每天晚上10分钟的简短“报道”时间是打破沉默的唯一途径。这些会议的内容克制而直截了当;我描述了我的进步,得到了建议,然后又回到了我的沉默练习中。他们与当天剩下的时间形成了鲜明的对比,引起了人们对沉默的相对性的关注,在某种意义上,沉默总是与声音有关。除了标志着这些遭遇的精神专业知识的表达之外,可能部分是因为他们周围的沉默,对于习惯于被声音和思想轰炸的耳朵来说仍然是不寻常的,所以在那几分钟的演讲中开辟的空间似乎特别重要。然而,练习沉默不仅仅是为了给“重要”的言语工作留出情感空间,而是为了创造改变。除了沉默相对索引的言语之外,它还通过一个以新的方式对身体进行定向的过程来运作。冥想的沉默通过“倾听”,即关注和调整,将注意力的方向性转移到不仅仅是口头的表达模式。在修道院的头几天,我的脑海里充满了散漫的沉思,但随着时间的推移,我觉得我的大脑变得更安静了,同时我的感官也变得敏锐了。我注意到越来越多的微妙感觉,即使在我进行冥想训练的相对早期阶段,我也能听到一定一直存在但我之前没有注意到的声音。我变得更加适应自己的身心,在这样做的过程中,我也变得更加适应我和其他人所占据的人际空间。虽然我没有和其他人进行口头交流,但在构建一个非草书共享环境的过程中,有一种共同的存在感和共同练习的感觉随着时间的推移变得更加明显。在没有意识地思考他人的主观体验的情况下,意识的提高创造了对他人微妙的情感调和。Gaew、Diew和我在默想中会遇到的非凡体验都是不同的;除了我们自己的个人历史和身体带来的差异之外,泰国的冥想中心还有许多不同的谱系和文化传统(Schedneck,2015;Skilton、Crosby和Kyaw,2019;Violi,2008年)。但从我在Pradhatu Sri Chom Tong寺庙的经历,以及在泰国对数百名其他修道院和非神职人员的静修和民族志采访中,我开始意识到冥想培养的一些共同情感特征。沉默邀请或“点燃”(Cassaniti和Luhrmann,2014),一种与他人建立联系的不同方式,正是在这里,沉默可以被看到,至少在这种背景下,它有可能创造改变。当一个人没有像我们经常做的那样思考或准备潜在社交接触的表演要求时,沉默会转移感官焦点,让大脑对一种情况更加敏感。
期刊介绍:
American Anthropologist is the flagship journal of the American Anthropological Association, reaching well over 12,000 readers with each issue. The journal advances the Association mission through publishing articles that add to, integrate, synthesize, and interpret anthropological knowledge; commentaries and essays on issues of importance to the discipline; and reviews of books, films, sound recordings and exhibits.