Der Weimarer Reichstag: Die schleichende Ausschaltung, Entmachtung und Zerstörung eines Parlaments [The Weimar Reichstag: the creeping exclusion, disempowerment and dissolution of a parliament]

Abstract

tive interpretation of the Fourth Republic, tracing its original weakness instead to a turbulent constitutional process, marked by the division and clashes of the first assembly, the failure to pass a first draft, and the urgent need to ratify a second one quickly. The analysis proposed in the chapters dedicated to France lay the groundwork for a reflection on Italy; it is easy to see the parallel with the French process, which took place in the fall of 1945 and thus before the Italian one. The authors of the Italian constitution were able to observe and learn from the French process, which became a reference point in terms of both the content and the dynamics at play. This was especially true of the unfortunate referendum result of the first draft, which prompted the Italians to adopt caution and a general proclivity for compromise – or at least for steering clear of unsolvable debates. Following these considerations, in his final chapters, the author chooses to focus on the role played by Togliatti’s party during the constitutional process, comparing the strategies of Italian communists with those of the French. While the French Communist Party had ‘stressed the importance of the “means” (a ‘hyper-parliamentary’ form of government) over the “goal” (economic and social reforms), the Italian Communist Party’s priority was the reverse’ (p. 208). What transpires, then, is a reflection on the birth of the Italian, which emphasizes a prolonged period of traction with a generally united front, diametrically opposed in spirit to the urgency that animated the frantic drafting of the second version of the French constitution – later ratified through a referendum, giving birth to the Fourth Republic. This may appear to be a paradox, given France’s long constitutional tradition, but only on the surface: as the author explains, it was precisely its strong ties to republican values that allowed members of the assembly – especially Communists – to firmly hold their ground with the risk, which did come about, of thwarting a possible compromise. At the same time, this led to the assembly giving up a broad declaration of human rights, at the cost of weakening the final draft; such a declaration was included in the original version and replaced in the final text by a more modest preamble that directly references the principles of the French Revolution. The resulting constitution was one ratified ‘without enthusiasm’, a very different outcome than in Italy, where the various political players worked together towards a deeply and broadly heartfelt goal: that the first breath of the new constitution to be loud and passionate, as a testament to its health, and as a commitment to the Republic’s longevity.