Mike Martin, Why We Fight

Q2 Social Sciences Politics and the Life Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-05 DOI:10.1017/pls.2021.26
Róbert Bognár
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The book is organized in 12 chapters that reflect a variety of interrelated topics, although there are two overarching themes: biology and culture. Martin first covers the biological side of his argument—the underlying psychological drives that subconsciously motivate us to use violence. Employing an evolutionary psychology framework, Martin explains how the process of evolution by natural selection has shaped the human mind over millions of years, endowing us with certain behaviors that, on average, increase our reproductive fitness. In particular, Martin argues that group living and high social status allowed ancient humans a plethora of evolutionary benefits. Thosewhoweremainlymotivated by a desire for belonging and status were more likely to survive and reproduce and leave genes for these instincts in the gene pool. Over time, then, humans evolved corresponding neurobiological mechanisms driving these two motivations. Belonging is regulated by oxytocin, which motivates us to seek and find comfort in the security of groups. Status seeking is regulated by testosterone, which encourages us to climb the hierarchy within those groups, especially in response to challenges to our status, and more so in males than females. But Martin stresses that the causal effects of these two motivations are probabilistic, not deterministic. They only give us a “push” toward using violence in response to specific environmental stimuli. After laying out the biological foundations of why we fight,Martinmoves on to the sociocultural explanations. There is, according to Martin, a fundamental dilemma with group living. Every individual wants to reap the benefits of group living while simultaneously maximizing their selfish interests. If individuals feel that the benefits of the group are not worth the costs, they will splinter off and form their own groups. Martin posits that to solve this dilemma and maintain a cohesive social group, humans need to address the five interrelated problems of identity, hierarchy, trade, disease, and punishment. Over time, our solution to these five problems has been to socially construct various moral codes, religions, and ideologies. But here, Martin makes a bold claim: these social constructions only provide us with an illusion that we are making conscious and socially acceptable decisions, when we are actually making selfish, subconscious decisions to achieve belonging and attain status. An example that Martin tackles repeatedly throughout the book is suicide terrorism. Martin’s confrontation with this form of terrorism is essential because it might appear to contradict an evolutionary perspective. After all, if war and violence came about as a result of evolutionary fitness, why would young and often childless individuals commit suicide for their group? Martin argues, quite convincingly, that suicide bombers are one of the more extreme examples of individuals desperately seeking a sense of belonging and status. Martin suggests that aggressive counterterrorism policies further alienate and humiliate these individuals, driving them to commit to an ultimate and desperate act to regain their lost sense of belonging and status. Furthermore, contrary to current counterterrorism doctrine, Martin argues that ideology is merely an illusion that facilities this behavior by making it socially acceptable and high status for those willing to make the ultimate sacrifice for their group. A notable strength of this book is howMartin precedes each chapter with his own experiences in Afghanistan and elsewhere as a military officer. This allows the reader to situate Martin’s theoretical argument within a real-world example that is quite personal to the author andmakes the academic sections more accessible. Perhaps the greatest strength of this book, though, is the real-world solutions thatMartin offers.Martin’s perspective here follows other insurgency theorists who see extremism as primarily a doi: 10.1017/pls.2021.26 Correspondence: Robert Bognar, University of Oxford. Email: robert. bognar@lincoln.ox.ac.uk Book Reviews","PeriodicalId":35901,"journal":{"name":"Politics and the Life Sciences","volume":"29 1","pages":"143 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Politics and the Life Sciences","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/pls.2021.26","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"Q2","JCRName":"Social Sciences","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

InWhyWe Fight, Mike Martin draws on his experience as amilitary veteran, biologist, andwar studies academic to explore the root causes of human conflict and war. In short, Martin’s central argument is that humans fight for status and belonging. These two motivations are not necessarily conscious but rather subconscious drives shaped over millions of years of human evolution. While WhyWe Fight provides a cogent and powerful biological theoretical framework for understanding human conflict, the real aim of the book, I believe, is sociological. Martin sets out to convince the reader that our current dominant sociocultural explanations of human conflict are causing more problems than they solve and that a biologically informed view is necessary to prevent and combat political violence in all its forms. The book is organized in 12 chapters that reflect a variety of interrelated topics, although there are two overarching themes: biology and culture. Martin first covers the biological side of his argument—the underlying psychological drives that subconsciously motivate us to use violence. Employing an evolutionary psychology framework, Martin explains how the process of evolution by natural selection has shaped the human mind over millions of years, endowing us with certain behaviors that, on average, increase our reproductive fitness. In particular, Martin argues that group living and high social status allowed ancient humans a plethora of evolutionary benefits. Thosewhoweremainlymotivated by a desire for belonging and status were more likely to survive and reproduce and leave genes for these instincts in the gene pool. Over time, then, humans evolved corresponding neurobiological mechanisms driving these two motivations. Belonging is regulated by oxytocin, which motivates us to seek and find comfort in the security of groups. Status seeking is regulated by testosterone, which encourages us to climb the hierarchy within those groups, especially in response to challenges to our status, and more so in males than females. But Martin stresses that the causal effects of these two motivations are probabilistic, not deterministic. They only give us a “push” toward using violence in response to specific environmental stimuli. After laying out the biological foundations of why we fight,Martinmoves on to the sociocultural explanations. There is, according to Martin, a fundamental dilemma with group living. Every individual wants to reap the benefits of group living while simultaneously maximizing their selfish interests. If individuals feel that the benefits of the group are not worth the costs, they will splinter off and form their own groups. Martin posits that to solve this dilemma and maintain a cohesive social group, humans need to address the five interrelated problems of identity, hierarchy, trade, disease, and punishment. Over time, our solution to these five problems has been to socially construct various moral codes, religions, and ideologies. But here, Martin makes a bold claim: these social constructions only provide us with an illusion that we are making conscious and socially acceptable decisions, when we are actually making selfish, subconscious decisions to achieve belonging and attain status. An example that Martin tackles repeatedly throughout the book is suicide terrorism. Martin’s confrontation with this form of terrorism is essential because it might appear to contradict an evolutionary perspective. After all, if war and violence came about as a result of evolutionary fitness, why would young and often childless individuals commit suicide for their group? Martin argues, quite convincingly, that suicide bombers are one of the more extreme examples of individuals desperately seeking a sense of belonging and status. Martin suggests that aggressive counterterrorism policies further alienate and humiliate these individuals, driving them to commit to an ultimate and desperate act to regain their lost sense of belonging and status. Furthermore, contrary to current counterterrorism doctrine, Martin argues that ideology is merely an illusion that facilities this behavior by making it socially acceptable and high status for those willing to make the ultimate sacrifice for their group. A notable strength of this book is howMartin precedes each chapter with his own experiences in Afghanistan and elsewhere as a military officer. This allows the reader to situate Martin’s theoretical argument within a real-world example that is quite personal to the author andmakes the academic sections more accessible. Perhaps the greatest strength of this book, though, is the real-world solutions thatMartin offers.Martin’s perspective here follows other insurgency theorists who see extremism as primarily a doi: 10.1017/pls.2021.26 Correspondence: Robert Bognar, University of Oxford. Email: robert. bognar@lincoln.ox.ac.uk Book Reviews
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迈克·马丁,《我们为什么战斗》
在《我们为什么战斗》一书中,迈克·马丁利用他作为退伍军人、生物学家和战争研究学者的经历,探索了人类冲突和战争的根本原因。简而言之,马丁的核心论点是人类为地位和归属感而战。这两种动机不一定是有意识的,而是在数百万年的人类进化过程中形成的潜意识驱动。虽然《我们为什么战斗》为理解人类冲突提供了一个强有力的生物学理论框架,但我认为,这本书的真正目的是社会学的。马丁试图让读者相信,我们目前对人类冲突的主流社会文化解释造成的问题比它们解决的问题要多,而从生物学角度出发的观点对于预防和打击各种形式的政治暴力是必要的。这本书分为12章,反映了各种相互关联的主题,尽管有两个主要主题:生物学和文化。马丁首先阐述了他的观点的生物学方面——潜意识地激励我们使用暴力的潜在心理驱动力。马丁运用进化心理学的框架,解释了自然选择的进化过程如何在数百万年的时间里塑造了人类的思维,赋予我们某些行为,平均而言,这些行为增加了我们的生殖适应性。马丁特别指出,群体生活和较高的社会地位使古人类获得了过多的进化益处。那些主要出于对归属和地位的渴望的人更有可能生存和繁殖,并在基因库中留下这些本能的基因。随着时间的推移,人类进化出相应的神经生物学机制来驱动这两种动机。归属感是由催产素调节的,它促使我们在群体的安全中寻求和找到安慰。地位追求是由睾丸激素调节的,它鼓励我们在那些群体中攀登等级,尤其是在我们的地位受到挑战时,男性比女性更容易这样做。但马丁强调,这两种动机的因果关系是概率性的,而不是决定性的。它们只会“推动”我们在应对特定环境刺激时使用暴力。在阐述了我们为什么打架的生物学基础之后,马丁斯转向了社会文化的解释。根据马丁的说法,群体生活存在着一个根本性的困境。每个人都想在获得群体生活的好处的同时,将自己的利益最大化。如果个人觉得群体的利益不值得付出代价,他们就会分裂出来,形成自己的群体。马丁认为,要解决这一困境并维持一个有凝聚力的社会群体,人类需要解决五个相互关联的问题:身份、等级、贸易、疾病和惩罚。随着时间的推移,我们解决这五个问题的方法是在社会上构建各种道德规范、宗教和意识形态。但在这里,马丁提出了一个大胆的主张:这些社会结构只是给我们提供了一种错觉,即我们正在做出有意识的、社会可以接受的决定,而实际上我们是在做出自私的、潜意识的决定,以获得归属感和地位。马丁在书中反复提到的一个例子是自杀式恐怖主义。马丁与这种形式的恐怖主义的对抗是至关重要的,因为它似乎与进化论的观点相矛盾。毕竟,如果战争和暴力是进化适应性的结果,为什么年轻且通常没有孩子的个体会为他们的群体自杀呢?马丁相当有说服力地指出,自杀式炸弹袭击者是个人拼命寻求归属感和地位的较为极端的例子之一。马丁认为,激进的反恐政策进一步疏远和羞辱了这些人,迫使他们采取最终和绝望的行动,以重新获得失去的归属感和地位。此外,与当前的反恐理论相反,马丁认为意识形态只是一种幻觉,它通过使那些愿意为自己的团体做出最终牺牲的人获得社会接受和高地位,从而为这种行为提供便利。这本书的一个显著优点是,马丁在每一章之前都讲述了他作为一名军官在阿富汗和其他地方的亲身经历。这使读者能够将马丁的理论论点置于一个真实世界的例子中,这对作者来说是非常个人的,并使学术部分更容易理解。也许这本书最大的优点是马丁提供的现实世界的解决方案。马丁的观点遵循了其他叛乱理论家的观点,他们认为极端主义主要是一种威胁。电子邮件:罗伯特。bognar@lincoln.ox.ac.uk书评
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来源期刊
Politics and the Life Sciences
Politics and the Life Sciences Social Sciences-Sociology and Political Science
CiteScore
2.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
14
期刊介绍: POLITICS AND THE LIFE SCIENCES is an interdisciplinary peer-reviewed journal with a global audience. PLS is owned and published by the ASSOCIATION FOR POLITICS AND THE LIFE SCIENCES, the APLS, which is both an American Political Science Association (APSA) Related Group and an American Institute of Biological Sciences (AIBS) Member Society. The PLS topic range is exceptionally broad: evolutionary and laboratory insights into political behavior, including political violence, from group conflict to war, terrorism, and torture; political analysis of life-sciences research, health policy, environmental policy, and biosecurity policy; and philosophical analysis of life-sciences problems, such as bioethical controversies.
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