Book Review: Private Crusades and Public Problems: The Sociological Heritage of Joseph Gusfield by S. Bernardin

N. Zahariadis
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The authors derive three mechanisms from Gusfield’s work that link social problems to public attention. They use them in a series of vignettes drawing on mainly French cases, but also European and American ones, to explore how campaigns for public attention unfold across a highly diverse tapestry of issues from drugs and the abolitionist movement to protection of animals and the use of pesticides. It is an impressive array of research, well organized thematically, that makes interesting theoretical arguments. But it should have perhaps embedded the findings more explicitly into the broader public policy literature to attract the attention of a wider scholarly audience. The book is divided into three parts which correspond to the three thematic mechanisms linking private campaigns and public problems. The first is dramaturgy, the idea that constructing public problems fosters what Gusfield calls symbolic crusades. Groups aiming to publicize their cause do so by creating narratives with heroes and villains and by linking what may often be private behavior, such as alcoholdrinking, to an adverse social outcome, drunk-driving. To do so, they rely less on rational conversations about causes and effects and more on affect-priming epithets. For example, they are not “drunk drivers,” they are “drunk driving killers.” Once the epithet sticks, it makes no difference whether it’s true or not. It’s a public issue that has to be addressed because society cannot allow killers on the loose. In this way, language and morality are two very important tools in the arsenal of successful crusading groups. True to Gusfield’s conceptualization, the authors reinforce the point that status politics rather than social class is the main source of success. For example, it is not enough to be a member of the elite to raise attention to the issue of slavery. One also has to have close links and impeccable credentials with the community of the predominant religion if slavery is to be addressed as a moral issue. The second mechanism is problem ownership. It is perhaps the most original contribution from a political science point of view, even if it is written by a sociologist!! Most policy groups struggle mightily to claim ownership of specific issues, such as treatment of animals, quality of air in interior spaces, drugs in schools, etc. The political benefits of such appropriation of issues are twofold. First, “owning” a problem means one gets to define its characteristics, framing its limits and narratives in a way that advances a group’s agenda. Second, appropriation of a problem by a specific group implies the group also gets to define, to an extent, the solution and the actors to be involved. In other words, owning a problem by a private, non-governmental, group, biases the policy process in favor of that group by giving a non-public entity the power, if not moral authority, to shape the public agenda. The third mechanism is distancing, which is a relational concept. It encapsulates the idea of shaping the dominant discourse in one’s favor. It is about fragmenting the opposition and positioning the narrative in a favorable light. If dramaturgy is about the nature of ideas and issue ownership about the appropriation of ideas, distancing is about the battle of ideas. Behind this concept hides a simple point: winning a policy argument depends as much on the argument’s strength as it does on the opposition’s weakness. Such weakness can be shaped politically when issues move from one area to another, for example, when the use of pesticides moves from being an agricultural to becoming a health issue. Fragmenting the opposition and redefining the problem space enables some groups or institutions like the mass media to obstruct some events from becoming public problems or facilitate the emergence of others. Kudos to the editor for maintaining a tight theoretical framework around which the case studies are built. Even more appealing is the conclusion, which pulls everything together. Rare are those edited volumes that return back to Book Review","PeriodicalId":22370,"journal":{"name":"The American Review of Public Administration","volume":"34 1","pages":"586 - 587"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2022-09-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The American Review of Public Administration","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1177/02750740221125435","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

Why do some problems become public problems while others do not? What are the mechanisms that link the web of thematic details to public attention? These are deceptively easy questions to ask but very hard to answer. Revisiting the work of noted sociologist Joseph Gusfield, Stève Bernardin and his colleagues offer some answers in this erudite collection of essays. The main argument is that public problems are intentionally designed constructions of social narratives, meaning that public problems are never just social problems but rather someone’s ideas of pointing to and framing of specific issues. Moreover, intentionality implies purposeful actor behavior, which necessitates, in the public policy arena, contests for meaning, social standing, and political power. The authors derive three mechanisms from Gusfield’s work that link social problems to public attention. They use them in a series of vignettes drawing on mainly French cases, but also European and American ones, to explore how campaigns for public attention unfold across a highly diverse tapestry of issues from drugs and the abolitionist movement to protection of animals and the use of pesticides. It is an impressive array of research, well organized thematically, that makes interesting theoretical arguments. But it should have perhaps embedded the findings more explicitly into the broader public policy literature to attract the attention of a wider scholarly audience. The book is divided into three parts which correspond to the three thematic mechanisms linking private campaigns and public problems. The first is dramaturgy, the idea that constructing public problems fosters what Gusfield calls symbolic crusades. Groups aiming to publicize their cause do so by creating narratives with heroes and villains and by linking what may often be private behavior, such as alcoholdrinking, to an adverse social outcome, drunk-driving. To do so, they rely less on rational conversations about causes and effects and more on affect-priming epithets. For example, they are not “drunk drivers,” they are “drunk driving killers.” Once the epithet sticks, it makes no difference whether it’s true or not. It’s a public issue that has to be addressed because society cannot allow killers on the loose. In this way, language and morality are two very important tools in the arsenal of successful crusading groups. True to Gusfield’s conceptualization, the authors reinforce the point that status politics rather than social class is the main source of success. For example, it is not enough to be a member of the elite to raise attention to the issue of slavery. One also has to have close links and impeccable credentials with the community of the predominant religion if slavery is to be addressed as a moral issue. The second mechanism is problem ownership. It is perhaps the most original contribution from a political science point of view, even if it is written by a sociologist!! Most policy groups struggle mightily to claim ownership of specific issues, such as treatment of animals, quality of air in interior spaces, drugs in schools, etc. The political benefits of such appropriation of issues are twofold. First, “owning” a problem means one gets to define its characteristics, framing its limits and narratives in a way that advances a group’s agenda. Second, appropriation of a problem by a specific group implies the group also gets to define, to an extent, the solution and the actors to be involved. In other words, owning a problem by a private, non-governmental, group, biases the policy process in favor of that group by giving a non-public entity the power, if not moral authority, to shape the public agenda. The third mechanism is distancing, which is a relational concept. It encapsulates the idea of shaping the dominant discourse in one’s favor. It is about fragmenting the opposition and positioning the narrative in a favorable light. If dramaturgy is about the nature of ideas and issue ownership about the appropriation of ideas, distancing is about the battle of ideas. Behind this concept hides a simple point: winning a policy argument depends as much on the argument’s strength as it does on the opposition’s weakness. Such weakness can be shaped politically when issues move from one area to another, for example, when the use of pesticides moves from being an agricultural to becoming a health issue. Fragmenting the opposition and redefining the problem space enables some groups or institutions like the mass media to obstruct some events from becoming public problems or facilitate the emergence of others. Kudos to the editor for maintaining a tight theoretical framework around which the case studies are built. Even more appealing is the conclusion, which pulls everything together. Rare are those edited volumes that return back to Book Review
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书评:《私人十字军东征与公共问题:约瑟夫·古斯菲尔德的社会学遗产》,S.伯纳丁著
为什么有些问题会成为公共问题,而另一些则不会?将主题细节网络与公众关注联系起来的机制是什么?这些问题看似很容易问,但很难回答。通过重温著名社会学家约瑟夫·古斯菲尔德的著作,斯蒂芬斯·伯纳丁和他的同事们在这本博学多才的论文集中给出了一些答案。主要论点是,公共问题是有意设计的社会叙事结构,这意味着公共问题绝不仅仅是社会问题,而是某人对特定问题的指向和框架的想法。此外,意向性意味着有目的的行动者行为,在公共政策领域,这需要对意义、社会地位和政治权力进行竞争。作者从Gusfield的工作中得出了三个将社会问题与公众关注联系起来的机制。他们在一系列的小插曲中使用了这些故事,主要取材于法国的案例,但也有欧洲和美国的案例,以探索从毒品和废奴运动到保护动物和使用杀虫剂等高度多样化的问题上,公众关注的运动是如何展开的。这是一系列令人印象深刻的研究,主题组织良好,提出了有趣的理论论点。但它或许应该将这些发现更明确地嵌入到更广泛的公共政策文献中,以吸引更广泛的学术受众的注意。全书分为三个部分,分别对应民间运动与公共问题的三个主题机制。第一种是戏剧,即构建公共问题会促进古斯菲尔德所说的象征性十字军东征。旨在宣传其事业的团体通过创造英雄和恶棍的故事,并将通常是私人行为(如饮酒)与不利的社会后果(如酒后驾驶)联系起来,来宣传他们的事业。为了做到这一点,他们更少地依赖于关于因果关系的理性对话,而更多地依赖于情感启动词。例如,他们不是“醉驾司机”,而是“醉驾杀手”。一旦这个绰号被人记住,它是真是假就没有区别了。这是一个必须解决的公共问题,因为社会不能允许杀手逍遥法外。这样看来,语言和道德是成功的十字军组织武器库中的两个非常重要的工具。与Gusfield的概念一致,作者强调了地位政治而不是社会阶级是成功的主要来源。例如,仅仅成为精英阶层的一员是不足以引起人们对奴隶制问题的关注的。如果要把奴隶制作为一个道德问题来处理,一个人还必须与主流宗教群体有密切的联系和无可挑剔的凭据。第二种机制是问题所有权。从政治科学的角度来看,这可能是最具原创性的贡献,即使它是由社会学家写的!!大多数政策团体都极力主张对具体问题的所有权,比如动物的待遇、室内空间的空气质量、学校的毒品等等。这种挪用问题的政治利益是双重的。首先,“拥有”一个问题意味着一个人可以定义它的特征,构建它的限制和叙述,以推进一个群体的议程。其次,特定群体对问题的挪用意味着该群体也可以在一定程度上定义解决方案和涉及的参与者。换句话说,把问题交给一个私人的、非政府的团体,通过赋予一个非公共实体权力(如果不是道德权威的话)来塑造公共议程,使政策过程偏向于该团体。第三种机制是保持距离,这是一个关系概念。它概括了塑造对自己有利的主导话语的想法。它是关于分裂反对派,并在有利的光线下定位叙事。如果说戏剧是关于思想的本质,关于思想的归属问题,那么距离就是关于思想的斗争。在这个概念背后隐藏着一个简单的观点:赢得一场政策辩论,既取决于辩论的力度,也取决于反对派的弱点。当问题从一个领域转移到另一个领域时,例如,当农药的使用从一个农业问题转变为一个健康问题时,这种弱点可以在政治上形成。分裂反对派和重新定义问题空间使一些团体或机构,如大众媒体,能够阻止一些事件成为公共问题,或促进其他事件的出现。编辑保持了一个紧密的理论框架,围绕这个框架构建了案例研究。更吸引人的是结束语,它把所有的东西联系在一起。那些编辑过的书很少会回到《书评》上
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