Book Review: Recoding Power: Tactics for Mobilizing Tech Workers, by Sidney A. Rothstein

IF 2.9 3区 管理学 Q1 INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR ILR Review Pub Date : 2023-02-26 DOI:10.1177/00197939231159897
S. Frenkel
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引用次数: 0

Abstract

to describe Chinese cities’ attempts to allow migrants on only an as-needed basis and to dispose of them as soon as they are no longer required; “inverted welfare state” to describe how authorities prioritize social benefits for those who need them least; “rendered surplus” to describe the condition of migrants forced out of urban centers; and “reproductive shock absorbers” to describe the role of teachers serving migrant children. These conceptual innovations would start to feel overwhelming and cluttering if it were not for the fact that the ideas are so intuitive and clearly explained and build on each other in such a logical manner. The state looms large in the book’s account. It is the state’s constant interventions, Friedman says, not simply the government ceding ground to market forces, as in some accounts, that “render” some people “surplus.” In fact, if some private employers had their way, especially those involved in China’s growing platform economy, migrants would be encouraged to remain in urban areas. The details of these official actions are carefully documented. For instance, although readers may be familiar with the broad outlines of the hukou system or with news stories like the demolition of migrant homes and businesses in the winter of 2017, they are less likely to know about how the education registration or xueji system works and the barriers it creates for families. Many will also be surprised at the frankness with which bureaucrats have spoken of “population control via education.” Note that the state’s efforts are not portrayed as resulting in a perfectly tuned system of control or even a stalemate with insurgent forces, as in Friedman’s previous book on Chinese labor unrest and trade union reforms, but are instead portrayed as deepening contradictions. Expelling migrants hurts important sectors of the urban economy. Unlike early capitalist industrializers in Europe and North America, with their colonies abroad acquired by genocide, China is geographically constrained in terms of its ability to offload its surplus workers. Nor does the expansion of Han Chinese into places like Xinjiang or the use of Chinese laborers on Belt and Road Initiative projects offer solutions to scale. And the place-of-birth line that the government draws with its hukou system undercuts attempts at building (Han) Chinese unity. Here, Urbanization of People could go further yet in its analysis. As with other accounts of contemporary China, the bulk of the volume is—perhaps necessarily—dedicated to explaining how the system works. It is only briefly in the introduction and at the end that the contradictions take center stage. Yet, like Toyota’s famous “just in time” production system from which Friedman draws his concept of “just in time urbanization,” the lack of slack in Chinese cities’ plans potentially makes them vulnerable to disruption. When auto parts plant workers went on strike en masse in China in 2010, just in time production meant that they shut down their companies’ entire Chinese supply chains. One can imagine similar dynamics when it comes to the limited number of delivery drivers that a city such as Shanghai relies upon when it enters a COVID lockdown. The situation described in the book also seems quite in flux. The software applications that manage those drivers did not exist a decade ago. The challenges of keeping the diverse and numerous pieces of the system functioning in harmony amid all this change would seem herculean for any government. Nonetheless, as China enters a period of slower growth and tighter political control, Urbanization of People offers an essential guide to both the ways in which the country’s authorities have succeeded in engineering solutions to dilemmas that have stymied the development of other states and the degree to which its leaders have sabotaged the aspirations of critical segments of their citizenry and, in the process, potentially compounded China’s challenges in the future.
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书评:《重新编码的力量:动员技术工人的策略》,西德尼·a·罗斯坦著
描述中国城市只在需要时才允许外来人口入境,并在不再需要他们时立即处置他们的努力;“反向福利国家”(reverse welfare state),用来描述当局如何优先为最不需要福利的人提供社会福利;“过剩”用来描述被迫离开城市中心的移民的状况;用“生殖减震器”来形容教师为流动儿童服务的角色。如果不是因为这些想法是如此直观和清晰的解释,并且以这样一种逻辑方式相互建立,这些概念创新就会开始让人感到压倒性和混乱。在这本书的叙述中,国家显得很突出。弗里德曼说,是国家不断的干预,而不是像某些说法那样,政府向市场力量让步,“使”一些人“盈余”。事实上,如果一些私营雇主,特别是那些参与中国日益增长的平台经济的雇主,能够为所欲为,那么农民工将被鼓励留在城市地区。这些官方行动的细节都有详细的记录。例如,虽然读者可能熟悉户口制度的大致轮廓,或者熟悉2017年冬天农民工住房和企业被拆除的新闻报道,但他们不太可能知道教育登记或学籍制度是如何运作的,以及它给家庭带来的障碍。许多人还会对官员们坦率地谈到“通过教育控制人口”感到惊讶。值得注意的是,国家的努力并没有像弗里德曼之前关于中国劳工骚乱和工会改革的书中描述的那样,被描绘成一个完美的控制系统,甚至是与叛乱力量的僵局,而是被描绘成不断深化的矛盾。驱逐外来人口伤害了城市经济的重要部门。欧洲和北美早期的资本主义工业化国家通过种族灭绝获得了海外殖民地,与之不同的是,中国在释放过剩劳动力方面的能力受到地理上的限制。汉族人口向新疆等地的扩张,或者在“一带一路”项目中使用华工,也不能提供规模化的解决方案。政府用户口制度划定的出生地点界线削弱了建立(汉族)统一的努力。在这方面,《人的城市化》的分析还可以走得更远。和其他关于当代中国的描述一样,这本书的大部分篇幅——也许是必要的——都致力于解释这个体系是如何运作的。只是在引言和结尾处,矛盾才短暂地占据了中心位置。然而,就像丰田著名的“及时”生产系统一样,弗里德曼提出了“及时城市化”的概念,中国城市规划的缺乏松弛可能使它们容易受到干扰。2010年,当中国汽车零部件工厂的工人集体罢工时,及时生产意味着他们关闭了公司在中国的整个供应链。当上海这样的城市进入COVID封锁时,可以想象类似的动态,因为它所依赖的送货司机数量有限。书中描述的情况似乎也在不断变化。管理这些驱动程序的软件应用程序在十年前还不存在。对于任何一个政府来说,在这种变化中保持系统中各种各样、数量众多的部分和谐运转的挑战似乎都是艰巨的。尽管如此,随着中国进入经济增长放缓和政治控制收紧的时期,《人口城市化》一书为以下两方面提供了重要的指导:一是中国当局如何成功地解决了阻碍其他国家发展的困境,二是中国领导人在多大程度上破坏了公民关键阶层的愿望,并在此过程中潜在地加剧了中国未来的挑战。
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来源期刊
ILR Review
ILR Review INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS & LABOR-
CiteScore
6.80
自引率
3.60%
发文量
40
期刊介绍: Issued quarterly since October 1947, the Industrial and Labor Relations Review is a leading interdisciplinary journal publishing original research on all aspects of the employment relationship. The journal also publishes reviews of some 30 books per year. This site offers an index of all articles and book reviews published since 1947, abstracts of all articles, and information about upcoming issues. At the "All Articles" and "All Book Reviews" pages, visitors can search on titles and authors. Use this site, too, to learn about upcoming articles and book reviews.
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