The Politics of Performance Funding for Higher Education: Origins, Discontinuations, and Transformations

M. Fifolt
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Hie authors note that, as of September 2014,38 states have established performance funding programs; 30 states are actively using performance funding mechanisms as part of their financial allocation process (p.3).Using an exploratory case study design, Dougherty and Natow investigate eight states that either currently use performance funding or have used it in the past and discontinued it. These states include Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Missouri, Ohio, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Washington. The authors also explore programs within this cohort that have experienced long-term operational changes. Dougherty and Natow base their investigation on the following five questions:* What are the sociopolitical origins of performance funding for higher education?* Why have so many states that have established performance funding-if only for a while-later discontinued it?* How has performance funding evolved in states where it has been retained over a long period of time ?* Why have states replaced longstanding performance funding programs (pf i.o) with programs (pf 2.0) that are quite different in design and funding levels?* What is the likely future of performance funding given the political forces resulting in frequent adoption but also frequent discontinuation? (pp.4-5)In addition to conducting an extensive review of relevant reports, articles, and studies, the authors interviewed more than 200 political actors, including state- and locallevel higher education officials, state legislative representatives, governors, and more to gather firsthand accounts of performance funding in these targeted states (p.7).Overview of Performance FundingAccording to the authors, state allocations for higher education typically are calculated using a funding formula based on workload factors (eg, enrollment or size of physical plant) or a base plus/minus system based on the previous years funding and such factors as inflation, salary increases, program improvements, and productivity gains (p. 15). In addition to these input and process measures, many states have added student outcome indicators (i.e., performance measures) to inform decisions regarding state budgets.The authors describe two \"waves\" ofperformance funding adoption in higher education. 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Abstract

THE POLITICS OF PERFORMANCE FUNDING FOR HIGHER EDUCATION: ORIGINS, DISCONTINUATIONS, AND TRANSFORMATIONS DOUGHERTY, K.J., AND R. S. NATOW. 2015. BALTIMORE, MD: JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY PRESS. 260 PP. Reviewed by Matthew Fifolt, Ph.D.In The Politics of Performance Funding for Higher Education, Dougherty and Natow address the emergent trend of performance funding of public higher education institutions in the United States. Hie authors define the practice as "tying state funding directly to performance on specific indicators of institutional outcomes," (p. 1) such as rates of student persistence, course completion, degree completion, and job placement. Hie authors note that, as of September 2014,38 states have established performance funding programs; 30 states are actively using performance funding mechanisms as part of their financial allocation process (p.3).Using an exploratory case study design, Dougherty and Natow investigate eight states that either currently use performance funding or have used it in the past and discontinued it. These states include Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Missouri, Ohio, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Washington. The authors also explore programs within this cohort that have experienced long-term operational changes. Dougherty and Natow base their investigation on the following five questions:* What are the sociopolitical origins of performance funding for higher education?* Why have so many states that have established performance funding-if only for a while-later discontinued it?* How has performance funding evolved in states where it has been retained over a long period of time ?* Why have states replaced longstanding performance funding programs (pf i.o) with programs (pf 2.0) that are quite different in design and funding levels?* What is the likely future of performance funding given the political forces resulting in frequent adoption but also frequent discontinuation? (pp.4-5)In addition to conducting an extensive review of relevant reports, articles, and studies, the authors interviewed more than 200 political actors, including state- and locallevel higher education officials, state legislative representatives, governors, and more to gather firsthand accounts of performance funding in these targeted states (p.7).Overview of Performance FundingAccording to the authors, state allocations for higher education typically are calculated using a funding formula based on workload factors (eg, enrollment or size of physical plant) or a base plus/minus system based on the previous years funding and such factors as inflation, salary increases, program improvements, and productivity gains (p. 15). In addition to these input and process measures, many states have added student outcome indicators (i.e., performance measures) to inform decisions regarding state budgets.The authors describe two "waves" ofperformance funding adoption in higher education. In the first wave, performance funding (pf i.o) was envisioned as a bonus (on top of regular state appropriations for public higher education expenditures) based on progress toward meeting student outcome indicators; however, since 2006, performance funding in a number of states (pf 2.0) increasingly has become an integral part of base funding calculations. In fact, Dougherty and Natow note that 80 to 90 percent of state funding for public higher education in Tennessee and Ohio is based solely on performance funding measures (p. 16). In addition, states increasingly have shifted performance indicators from ultimate achievement measures {eg, graduation and job placement rates) to intermediate achievement outcomes {eg, completion of developmental education and mathematics courses).Stages of Performance FundingDougherty and Natow identify four stages ofperformance funding: program adoption, persistence, discontinuation, and re-adoption. The authors use this continuum to describe the various trajectories ofperformance funding and to demonstrate the ways in which the eight selected states either exhibit a high degree of institutionalization {eg, IN, OH, tn) or follow patterns of discontinuation and readoption {eg, sc, mo, il, fl, wa). …
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高等教育绩效资助的政治:起源、终止和转变
高等教育绩效基金的政治:起源、终止和转变。2015. 马里兰州巴尔的摩:约翰霍普金斯大学出版社。在《高等教育绩效拨款的政治》一书中,多尔蒂和纳托探讨了美国公立高等教育机构绩效拨款的新趋势。作者将这种做法定义为“将国家资助直接与特定指标的机构成果挂钩”(第1页),如学生坚持率、课程完成率、学位完成率和就业安置率。作者指出,截至2014年9月,38个州建立了绩效资助项目;30个州正在积极利用绩效供资机制,作为其财政分配进程的一部分(临3)。采用探索性案例研究设计,Dougherty和Natow调查了8个州,这些州要么目前使用绩效基金,要么过去使用过,但后来停止了。这些州包括佛罗里达州、伊利诺伊州、印第安纳州、密苏里州、俄亥俄州、南卡罗来纳州、田纳西州和华盛顿州。作者还探讨了这一群体中经历了长期运营变化的项目。Dougherty和Natow的调查基于以下五个问题:*高等教育绩效基金的社会政治起源是什么?*为什么这么多建立绩效基金的州——即使只是一段时间——后来又停止了?*在长期保留绩效资助的州,绩效资助是如何演变的?*为什么各州用设计和资助水平完全不同的项目(pf 2.0)取代了长期的绩效资助项目(pf i.o) ?*鉴于政治力量导致频繁采用但也经常中止,业绩资助的未来可能是什么?(第7页)除了对相关报告、文章和研究进行广泛的审查外,作者还采访了200多位政治行动者,包括州和地方一级的高等教育官员、州立法代表、州长等,以收集这些目标州绩效资金的第一手资料。根据作者的说法,各州对高等教育的拨款通常使用基于工作量因素(例如,入学人数或物理工厂的规模)的拨款公式或基于前几年的资金以及通货膨胀、工资增长、项目改进和生产力提高等因素的基本正负系统来计算(第15页)。除了这些投入和过程措施之外,许多州还增加了学生成果指标(即绩效指标),以便为有关州预算的决策提供信息。作者描述了高等教育采用绩效基金的两波“浪潮”。在第一波中,绩效基金(pf .o)被设想为一种奖金(在州对公共高等教育支出的常规拨款之上),基于学生成绩指标的进展;然而,自2006年以来,许多州的绩效拨款(pf 2.0)日益成为基本拨款计算的一个组成部分。事实上,Dougherty和Natow注意到,田纳西州和俄亥俄州80%到90%的公立高等教育拨款完全基于绩效拨款措施(第16页)。此外,各州越来越多地将绩效指标从最终成就衡量标准(如毕业率和就业率)转向中间成就结果(如完成发展教育和数学课程)。绩效资助的阶段dougherty和Natow确定了绩效资助的四个阶段:项目采用、持续、终止和重新采用。作者用这个连续体描述了绩效资助的各种轨迹,并展示了八个选定的州要么表现出高度的制度化(例如,印第安纳州,俄亥俄州,田纳西州),要么遵循停止和重新选择的模式(例如,南卡罗来纳州,密苏里州,伊利诺伊州,佛罗里达州,华盛顿州)。...
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