The Parallel Head Taxes of Margaret Thatcher and Barack Obama: Economics As Morality and Its Populist Rejection

IF 0.9 Q2 LAW EJournal of Tax Research Pub Date : 2019-01-18 DOI:10.2139/ssrn.3321244
Joshua Cutler
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Abstract

The legacies of Margaret Thatcher and Barack Obama are alike intertwined with failed per capita taxes: Thatcher’s infamous local government poll tax and the individual mandate tax at the heart of Obama’s signature health care reform. Examining these two taxes together reveals that—despite the pronounced differences between the two political leaders—both taxes were conceived, enacted, met with virulent popular opposition, and ultimately repealed under remarkably parallel processes. Both taxes arose out of essentially the same economic idea, and in fact, this animating idea originated from the same small network of think-tank economists in both cases. Crucially, economic theory served as both the technical basis and the moral justification for the taxes. The Thatcher poll tax was morally justified as necessary to increase local government “accountability,” defined economically such that an accountable government is one where all citizens equally bear the full marginal cost of local government spending increases. Likewise, the moral basis of the individual mandate tax was “responsibility,” defined in economic terms such that a responsible person is one who bears the marginal cost imposed on society by their decision not to purchase health insurance. Neither Thatcher nor Obama conceived of or initially supported their respective per capita taxes, which instead arose from small, relatively isolated groups, heavily influenced by academic economists. Accordingly, the taxes were designed to fit abstract economic theories crafted by experts, with little regard for popular opinion or practical and historical experience. Not surprisingly, the taxes proved highly unpopular and hard to implement, imposing heavy political costs on Thatcher, Obama, and their respective parties. Despite the intense opposition from the populace, the major opposition parties initially either supported or at least accepted the taxes, only opposing them after popular anger became undeniable. The real fault lines that emerged were between the establishment political class and the majority of the electorate. This division was characterized by a preference for expert administration based on science—especially neoliberal economic theory—on the one hand, and a preference for popular sovereignty informed by traditional notions of fairness on the other. Popular perceptions of unfairness were amplified by the regressive nature of the taxes, and I argue that regressivity was a logical consequence of the economic theories undergirding the taxes.
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玛格丽特·撒切尔和巴拉克·奥巴马的平行人头税:作为道德的经济学及其民粹主义的拒绝
玛格丽特·撒切尔和巴拉克·奥巴马的遗产都与失败的人均税收交织在一起:撒切尔臭名昭著的地方政府人头税和奥巴马标志性医疗改革的核心个人强制税。将这两种税种放在一起考察可以发现,尽管两位政治领导人之间存在明显的差异,但这两种税种都是在非常相似的过程中构思、制定、遭遇民众的强烈反对,并最终被废除的。这两种税都产生于本质上相同的经济理念,事实上,在这两种情况下,这一令人振奋的理念源于同一个智囊团经济学家的小网络。至关重要的是,经济理论既为税收提供了技术基础,也为其提供了道德理由。撒切尔人头税在道德上是合理的,因为它是增加地方政府“问责制”所必需的,从经济上讲,一个负责任的政府是一个所有公民平等地承担地方政府支出增加的全部边际成本的政府。同样,个人强制税的道德基础是“责任”,用经济学术语来定义,即负责任的人承担因决定不购买医疗保险而给社会带来的边际成本。撒切尔和奥巴马都没有设想或最初支持他们各自的人均税收,而是由受学术经济学家严重影响的相对孤立的小群体产生的。因此,税收的设计是为了适应专家们精心设计的抽象经济理论,而很少考虑民意或实践和历史经验。不出所料,事实证明这些税收非常不受欢迎,难以实施,给撒切尔、奥巴马和他们各自的政党带来了沉重的政治成本。尽管受到民众的强烈反对,但主要反对党最初要么支持税收,要么至少接受税收,直到民众的愤怒变得不可否认后才反对税收。真正的断层线出现在建制政治阶层和大多数选民之间。这种划分的特点是,一方面偏爱基于科学的专家管理,尤其是新自由主义经济理论,另一方面偏爱基于传统公平观念的人民主权。大众对不公平的看法被税收的累退性放大了,我认为累退性是支撑税收的经济理论的逻辑结果。
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