Bazaar

IF 0.2 3区 文学 0 ASIAN STUDIES Bioscope-South Asian Screen Studies Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI:10.1177/09749276211028962
Kajri Jain
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Abstract

The term ‘bazaar’ exists in uneasy translation, as do the physical and conceptual spaces it denotes. In Hindi, Urdu and Bangla (from Persian) it means a marketplace, or the market in general; in English it connotes an exotic ‘oriental’ market or informal sale, usually for charity. Its salience to South Asian media and cultural forms bears these colonial connotations of cultural difference and informality (Jain, 2007, 2012). Here its earliest association was with ‘bazaar art’: paintings and prints for a vernacular public, notably those produced around Calcutta’s Kalighat Kali Temple from the 1820s (GuhaThakurta, 1992). Kalighat paintings are particularly beloved to artists and scholars; featuring anti-elite or anti-Brahmin satire and themes from everyday life as well as religious icons, they had a critical edge lacking in later prints. But ‘bazaar’ also carries a much wider valence as the colonial descriptor for a vernacular realm of ‘native’ commerce, distinct from the official colonial economy. This usage has shaped the bazaar’s character as the key economic, social-political and aesthetic infrastructure for a range of vernacular forms, extending beyond paintings and prints to theatre, cinema, festivals, temples, museums, monuments, theme parks and now social media. The distinctive character of the bazaar was enshrined in the 1882 Indian Companies Act, which placed British governance of domestic bazaar firms under Hindu and Muslim personal law rather than corporate law (Birla, 2009). The bazaar was thus designated as a realm of pre-colonial religion and ‘custom,’ even as domestic trading communities played an essential comprador role as intermediaries in the colonial economy. Perpetuating ‘customary’ forms of power, sociality and commerce in the service of colonial exploitation, the bazaar became the colonial economy’s ‘constitutive outside’ (Derrida, 1988). This paradoxical position of the bazaar, as simultaneously different from and integral to the colonial economy, explains several features of the vernacular cultural forms whose financing, production and circulation emerged from – and continue to perpetuate – the bazaar’s mercantile ethos. This is not the hegemonically bourgeois, Protestant milieu within which mass culture, mass media and their theorisations developed in Europe and North America. However, it cannot be separated from the latter either, for these are co-constituted fields with ongoing, albeit uneven, interactions. So the bazaar is not urban, secular and modern rather than rural, religious and customary. It is better understood as a site of circulation between life-
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集市
“集市”这个词存在于令人不安的翻译中,就像它所代表的物理和概念空间一样。在印地语、乌尔都语和孟加拉语(源自波斯语)中,它的意思是市场,或一般的市场;在英语中,它意味着异国情调的“东方”市场或非正式的销售,通常是为了慈善事业。它对南亚媒体和文化形式的突出表现带有文化差异和非正式性的殖民内涵(Jain, 2007, 2012)。在这里,它最早与“市集艺术”联系在一起:为当地公众提供的绘画和版画,特别是19世纪20年代在加尔各答Kalighat Kali寺庙周围制作的那些(GuhaThakurta, 1992)。卡利加特的绘画尤其受到艺术家和学者的喜爱;这些作品以反精英或反婆罗门的讽刺和日常生活以及宗教偶像为主题,具有后来版画所缺乏的批判优势。但“bazaar”也有更广泛的意义,它是对本土商业领域的殖民描述,与官方的殖民经济截然不同。这种用法塑造了集市的特征,使其成为一系列乡土形式的关键经济、社会政治和美学基础设施,从绘画和版画延伸到剧院、电影院、节日、寺庙、博物馆、纪念碑、主题公园和现在的社交媒体。1882年的《印度公司法》(Indian Companies Act)体现了集市的独特特征,该法案将英国对国内集市公司的治理置于印度教和穆斯林的属人法而不是公司法之下(Birla, 2009)。因此,市场被指定为前殖民时期宗教和“习俗”的领域,即使国内贸易社区在殖民地经济中扮演了重要的买办中介角色。集市为殖民剥削服务,延续了权力、社会和商业的“习惯”形式,成为殖民经济的“构成外部”(德里达,1988)。市集的这种矛盾的地位,既不同于殖民经济,又与殖民地经济密不可分,解释了本地文化形式的几个特征,这些文化形式的融资、生产和流通源于市集的商业精神,并将继续延续下去。这与欧洲和北美的大众文化、大众媒体及其理论发展的那种资产阶级、新教的霸权环境不同。然而,它也不能与后者分开,因为它们是共同构成的领域,尽管相互作用不均匀,但仍在进行中。所以集市不是城市的、世俗的、现代的,而是乡村的、宗教的、习俗的。最好把它理解为生活和生活之间的循环场所
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CiteScore
0.50
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0.00%
发文量
12
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