Of vagabonds and fellow travelers: African diaspora literary culture and the cultural Cold War

S. Graham
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Throughout the writing of my book Cultural Entanglements: Langston Hughes and the Rise of African and Caribbean Literature, certain questions lurked irritatingly in the margins. The American writer Langston Hughes, I argued, spent his life cultivating networks of mutual support, promotion, translation, and influence across the pan-African world. But I also recognized that these efforts were ineluctably entangled (to use the book’s central metaphor) with systems of commodification and cultural exchange within a global capitalist system. What I had a harder time answering was the precise degree to which Hughes and the African and Caribbean writers in his orbit were knowingly complicit in the Anglo-American side of the “cultural Cold War.” When Hughes agreed to participate in and co-organize the conference sponsored by the American Society of African Culture (AMSAC) in Lagos, Nigeria, in 1961, or when he connected young African writers to the radio programs produced by the Transcription Centre in London, did he have any suspicion that both institutions were covertly funded by the CIA? When Es’kia Mphahlele moved to Paris in 1961 to become Director of the African Program at the Congress for Cultural Freedom, did he know that it, too, was a front for the CIA’s campaign to win “hearts and minds” in the decolonizing nations of Africa and Asia? The series of articles in the New York Times that revealed these connections was published in April 1966, just over a year before Hughes’s death; was he caught by surprise, or merely caught? After all, many critics, in Hughes’s time and since, have speculated that the series of lecture tours he gave in Europe in the 1960s, sponsored by the US Department of State, was part of an agreement Hughes might have reached with American authorities to promote US interests in exchange for not being blacklisted or further persecuted following his appearance before Joseph McCarthy’s senate subcommittee in 1953. How deep did these entanglements go? I found nothing in the archival record to answer these questions definitively, and they were ultimately peripheral to my argument, but I was haunted by the knowledge that their answers could change the way we think about these writers. I begin my review of Cedric Tolliver’s erudite and masterful book Of Vagabonds and Travelers with this account of some blind spots in my own book for a reason: I sorely wish I could have read Tolliver before I finished Cultural Entanglements. While he does not answer the particular questions I pose above, he does offer a framework for understanding the tensions and pressures that Hughes and other African diaspora writers of the early Cold War period had to navigate. Black writers who declined to challenge the agenda of anti-communism and racial liberalism were rewarded with opportunities to publish, have their work promoted, and win awards, effectively drowning out the voices of more radical critics who insisted that racism was woven into the basic fabric of capitalism and imperialism alike. Writers who opposed the “cultural front” of anticommunism “faced the contempt of their peers; they were regarded as mere vagabonds for their refusal to accept the discipline of the new situation and conveniently branded as communist fellow travelers” (161). Tolliver does not attempt to hide his admiration for these vagabonds of African diaspora cultural production who used their marginalized art to articulate a fundamental critique of and an alternative vision to right-wing anti-communism and its concessions to racial liberalism.
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流浪汉与旅伴:散居非洲的文学文化与文化冷战
在我写《文化纠集:兰斯顿·休斯与非洲和加勒比文学的兴起》这本书的过程中,有些问题令人恼火地隐藏在书的边缘。我认为,美国作家兰斯顿·休斯(Langston Hughes)终其一生致力于在泛非世界建立相互支持、推广、翻译和影响的网络。但我也认识到,这些努力不可避免地与全球资本主义体系中的商品化体系和文化交流体系纠缠在一起(用这本书的中心隐喻来说)。我很难回答的问题是,休斯和他周围的非洲和加勒比作家在“文化冷战”的英美方面,在多大程度上是故意串通一通的。1961年,当休斯同意参加并共同组织由美国非洲文化协会(AMSAC)在尼日利亚拉各斯主办的会议时,或者当他将年轻的非洲作家与伦敦转录中心制作的广播节目联系起来时,他是否怀疑这两个机构都是由中央情报局秘密资助的?当埃斯奇亚·法赫莱1961年搬到巴黎担任文化自由大会非洲项目主任时,他知道这也是中央情报局赢得亚非非殖民化国家“民心”运动的前线吗?1966年4月,就在休斯去世前一年多,《纽约时报》发表了一系列揭露这些联系的文章;他是出其不意,还是只是被抓住了?毕竟,在休斯的时代和之后,许多批评者都推测,他在20世纪60年代在欧洲进行的由美国国务院赞助的一系列巡回演讲,可能是休斯与美国当局达成协议的一部分,目的是促进美国的利益,以换取他在1953年出席约瑟夫·麦卡锡(Joseph McCarthy)的参议院小组委员会听证会后不被列入黑名单或进一步受到迫害。这些纠缠有多深?我在档案记录中找不到任何能明确回答这些问题的东西,它们最终与我的论点无关,但我意识到,它们的答案可能会改变我们对这些作家的看法。我在评论塞德里克·托利弗(Cedric Tolliver)博学多才的巨著《流浪者与旅行者》(of Vagabonds and Travelers)时,首先提到了我自己书中的一些盲点,这是有原因的:我非常希望在读完《文化纠葛》之前就能读到托利弗。虽然他没有回答我在上面提出的具体问题,但他确实提供了一个框架来理解休斯和其他冷战早期非洲散居作家必须应对的紧张和压力。那些拒绝挑战反共产主义和种族自由主义议程的黑人作家得到了发表作品的机会,他们的作品得到了推广,并获得了奖项,有效地淹没了更激进的批评者的声音,他们坚持认为种族主义是资本主义和帝国主义的基本结构。反对反共“文化阵线”的作家“遭到同辈的蔑视”;由于他们拒绝接受新形势的纪律,他们被视为纯粹的流浪汉,并被方便地贴上了共产主义同路人的标签。托利弗并没有试图掩饰他对这些非洲流散文化产品的流浪者的钦佩,他们用边缘化的艺术表达了对右翼反共主义及其对种族自由主义的让步的基本批评和另一种看法。
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