The Two Faces of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court

IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 LAW Indiana Law Journal Pub Date : 2015-08-07 DOI:10.2139/SSRN.2250123
E. Berman
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引用次数: 6

Abstract

When former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden leaked a massive trove of information about secret intelligence-collection programs implemented under the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act in the summer of 2013, U.S. surveillance activities were thrust to the forefront of public debate. This debate included the question of whether and how to reform the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISA Court), the statutorily created secret court that reviews government applications to conduct surveillance in the United States. This discussion, however, has largely missed a critical feature of the way the FISA Court works. As this Article will show, since 9/11, the FISA Court has been playing not only its traditional role of “gatekeeper,” but also the additional — and entirely different — role of “rulemaker.” This is the first scholarly examination of this dichotomy and its implications for reform. Further, the Article is particularly timely in providing an assessment of the recently enacted USA Freedom Act of 2015, Congress’ attempt to reform the Court. I argue that, viewed through the lens of the Court’s dual roles, the scholarly and public conversation has fallen short in two important respects. First, it has failed to give the Court sufficient credit for its laudable performance as gatekeeper, and second, it has ignored the implications that the gatekeeper/rulemaker dichotomy has for reform. As a result, I conclude that the USA Freedom Act is not only woefully inadequate to remedy the problems that it targets but also fails entirely to address additional problems with the FISA Court. In light of these conclusions, the USA Freedom Act represents a missed opportunity. In not fully appreciating or accounting for the unique challenges that the Court’s rulemaking function poses, the Act does not go nearly far enough in bolstering the Court’s rulemaking competence. Moreover, the Act neglects (as has the public debate) a critical area for reform: ensuring sufficient flow of information from the executive branch to the FISA Court. I therefore explore the nature of this challenge and offer some additional reform ideas for consideration.
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外国情报监视法庭的两面
2013年夏天,美国国家安全局(National Security Agency)前承包商雇员爱德华·斯诺登(Edward Snowden)泄露了大量有关根据《外国情报监视法》(Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act)实施的秘密情报收集项目的信息,美国的监视活动被推到了公众辩论的最前沿。这场辩论包括是否以及如何改革外国情报监视法庭(FISA Court)的问题,该法院是依法设立的秘密法庭,负责审查政府在美国进行监视的申请。然而,这种讨论在很大程度上忽略了FISA法庭工作方式的一个关键特征。正如本文将展示的那样,自9/11以来,FISA法院不仅扮演着“看门人”的传统角色,而且还扮演着“规则制定者”的额外角色——这是完全不同的角色。这是第一次对这种二分法及其对改革的影响进行学术研究。此外,该条特别及时地对最近颁布的《2015年美国自由法案》(USA Freedom Act of 2015)进行了评估,该法案是国会改革最高法院的尝试。我认为,从法院的双重角色来看,学术和公众对话在两个重要方面存在不足。首先,它没有对法院作为看门人值得称赞的表现给予足够的信任,其次,它忽视了看门人/规则制定者二分法对改革的影响。因此,我得出的结论是,《美国自由法案》不仅严重不足,无法解决它所针对的问题,而且完全无法解决FISA法庭的其他问题。鉴于这些结论,《美国自由法案》代表了一个错失的机会。由于没有充分认识或考虑到法院的规则制定职能所带来的独特挑战,该法在加强法院的规则制定能力方面做得远远不够。此外,该法案忽视了(正如公众辩论一样)一个改革的关键领域:确保行政部门向FISA法院提供足够的信息。因此,我要探讨这一挑战的性质,并提出一些额外的改革构想供审议。
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期刊介绍: Founded in 1925, the Indiana Law Journal is a general-interest academic legal journal. The Indiana Law Journal is published quarterly by students of the Indiana University Maurer School of Law — Bloomington. The opportunity to become a member of the Journal is available to all students at the end of their first-year. Members are selected in one of two ways. First, students in the top of their class academically are automatically invited to become members. Second, a blind-graded writing competition is held to fill the remaining slots. This competition tests students" Bluebook skills and legal writing ability. Overall, approximately thirty-five offers are extended each year. Candidates who accept their offers make a two-year commitment to the Journal.
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