The Break-up of Yugoslavia and International Law by Peter Radan

Aleksandar Pavković
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Abstract

(New York: Routledge, 2002) pages i–ix, 1–278. Price US$95.00 (hardcover). ISBN 0415253527. Book Reviews This first book-length study of the international legal aspects of the dissolution of the Social Federal Republic of Yugoslavia offers more than its title promises. In the first chapter, Radan distinguishes what he calls the ‘classical theory’ of self-determination from the ‘romantic theory’: the former defines the subject of self-determination in terms of the territory which a group inhabits, while the latter defines it, roughly speaking, in terms of a group’s cultural and ethnic traits.1 For the latter, the group that should ‘determine itself’ is a national one, defined in terms of its ethnicity and culture. Having drawn this distinction, Radan proceeds, in chapter 2, to examine the use of the term ‘people’ in various international legal — mostly United Nations — documents regarding the selfdetermination of peoples. He concludes that in these documents the term ‘people’ is not restricted to the use prescribed by the classical theory of selfdetermination: the reference of the term ‘people’, in the frequently recurring phrase ‘the self-determination of peoples’, is not and cannot be restricted to ‘the total population of a political unit.’2 The term ‘people’, Radan argues, can — and in practice, does — encompass nations or national groups. While noting that neither the texts of various UN documents nor their travaux preparatoires can offer a conclusive interpretation of this term, he lists a large number of instances in which these documents refer to a number of ‘peoples’ inhabiting a single territory. He points out that in the great majority of these, the term can be, without any difficulty, understood to refer to nations. The rival interpretation, propounded by Antonio Cassesse,3 according to which ‘people’ refers to the entire population of a single state or colonial territory, Radan claims, is not only unsubstantiated but also inconsistent.4 The rival interpretation grants the right of secession to ‘a people’ but denies the status of ‘people’ to any group within a particular state. From this it follows that a people would have only the right to secede from itself. The contrary view, that ‘peoples’ include national groups within a single state, does not, however, imply that any national group within a single territorial unit or state would have the right to secession. Citing a variety of UN documents, Radan argues that a national group has the right to secede only when it is denied the right of internal self-determination in the state which it inhabits. The romantic theory of self-determination, at least its international law version, does not countenance an uncontrolled proliferation of states.
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《南斯拉夫解体与国际法》彼得·拉丹著
(纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2002)第i-ix页,1-278页。价格95.00美元(精装)。ISBN 0415253527。这是第一本关于南斯拉夫社会联邦共和国解体的国际法律方面的书,它提供了比标题所承诺的更多的东西。在第一章中,Radan区分了他所谓的自决的“古典理论”和“浪漫主义理论”:前者根据一个群体居住的领土来定义自决的主体,而后者则粗略地根据一个群体的文化和种族特征来定义自决对于后者来说,应该“决定自己”的群体是一个民族群体,根据其种族和文化来定义。在作出这种区分之后,Radan在第2章中继续审查关于各国人民自决的各种国际法文件- -主要是联合国文件- -对“人民”一词的使用。他的结论是,在这些文件中,“人民”一词并不局限于经典的自决理论所规定的用法:在频繁出现的短语“人民的自决”中,“人民”一词的引用并没有也不可能局限于“一个政治单位的总人口”。拉丹认为,“人民”一词可以——实际上也确实——包括国家或民族群体。虽然他注意到联合国各种文件的案文及其筹备工作都不能对这一术语作出结论性的解释,但他列举了大量这些文件提到居住在同一领土上的若干“民族”的例子。他指出,在绝大多数情况下,这个词可以毫无困难地被理解为指国家。Radan声称,Antonio Cassesse提出的另一种解释,即“人民”是指一个国家或殖民地的全部人口,这不仅没有根据,而且也不一致另一种解释则赋予“一个民族”脱离国家的权利,但否认一个特定国家内任何群体的“人民”地位。由此可以得出结论,一个民族只有从自己的民族中分离出来的权利。然而,相反的观点,即“人民”包括单一国家内的民族团体,并不意味着单一领土单位或国家内的任何民族团体都有权分离。Radan引用各种联合国文件指出,只有当一个民族团体在其所居住的国家被剥夺内部自决权时,它才有权脱离。浪漫主义的自决理论,至少是其国际法版本,不支持国家不受控制的扩散。
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