Cicero’s Proconsulship in Cilicia: The Foreign Policy Aspect

Sergey Litovchenko
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Abstract

The correspondence of Marcus Tullius Cicero during his term as proconsul of Cilicia provides an opportunity to better understand the complexities of governing Roman provinces during the crisis of the Republic, and above all to assess Rome’s ability to counter external threats. However, the genre of this source has strongly shaped the historiographical tradition, which has come to reflect the view of the events held by the author of most of the letters. Thus, works by modern scholars commonly justify and show full support for the proconsul’s actions. Those isolated studies that try to look critically at Cicero’s efforts during his proconsulship negatively assess the measures taken to counter the Parthian threat but identify the Roman proconsul himself as the culprit for their failure. In our view, Cicero’s correspondence allows us, at least in part, to consider the problem of the Roman provinces in the East as a whole, leaving aside the figure of one particular governor. It can be said with a high degree of confidence that the system of Roman provincial government during the late Republic did not meet the requirements of effective frontier defense in the East. The appointment of governors (proconsuls and propraetors) depended on too many random factors (as did the election of consuls and praetors) for professional managers and military men to always hold these key positions. Cicero’s example is the most striking, but obviously not unique. The elite’s focus on domestic politics automatically made foreign policy tasks secondary. Further, the governors had only limited resources, suitable for localized policing operations but inadequate even against a large-scale plunder raid, not to mention a major invasion. The allies, for many decades protecting the Roman borders with their troops and territories, now for the most part lost even the ability to control their own possessions. Traditional reliance on allied monarchs not only deprived the Romans of military support, but also led to misinformation about the situation at the border. The center’s quick response to instability on the periphery was hampered not only by slow communications, but also by the lack of a clear decision-making mechanism in Rome. Ironically, the Republic was saved by the absence of a real adversary in the East.
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西塞罗在西里西亚的地方执政官:外交政策方面
马库斯·图利乌斯·西塞罗(Marcus Tullius Cicero)在担任基利西亚总督期间的信件为我们提供了一个机会,让我们更好地理解在共和国危机时期管理罗马行省的复杂性,最重要的是,我们可以评估罗马应对外部威胁的能力。然而,这种来源的体裁强烈地塑造了史学传统,这反映了大多数信件的作者对事件的看法。因此,现代学者的著作通常为总督的行为辩护并表示全力支持。那些孤立的研究试图批判性地看待西塞罗在他的地方执政官期间所做的努力,消极地评价了他为对抗帕提亚人的威胁所采取的措施,但却认为罗马总督自己是这些措施失败的罪魁祸首。在我们看来,西塞罗的书信让我们,至少在一定程度上,可以把罗马东部行省的问题作为一个整体来考虑,而不考虑某个特定的统治者。可以很有信心地说,罗马共和国晚期的行省政府体制不符合东部有效边防的要求。对于职业经理人和军人来说,执政官(总督和执政官)的任命取决于太多的随机因素(执政官和执政官的选举也是如此),他们总是担任这些关键职位。西塞罗的例子最引人注目,但显然不是唯一的。精英们对国内政治的关注自动让外交政策任务居于次要地位。此外,总督只有有限的资源,适合局部警务行动,但甚至不足以对付大规模的掠夺,更不用说大规模的入侵了。几十年来,盟军用他们的军队和领土保护着罗马的边界,现在大部分都失去了控制自己领土的能力。传统上对盟国君主的依赖不仅剥夺了罗马人的军事支持,还导致了对边境局势的错误信息。该中心对外围地区不稳定的快速反应不仅受到沟通缓慢的阻碍,还受到罗马缺乏明确决策机制的阻碍。具有讽刺意味的是,共和国是由于在东方没有真正的对手而得救的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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