The Self-Defeating International Criminal Court

IF 1.9 2区 社会学 Q1 LAW University of Chicago Law Review Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI:10.2307/1600547
J. Goldsmith
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引用次数: 104

Abstract

Great expectations greeted the opening of the International Criminal Court (ICC) on July 1, 2002. Kofi Annan captured these expectations when he expressed the hope that the new ICC would "deter future war criminals and bring nearer the day when no ruler, no state, no junta and no army anywhere will be able to abuse human rights with impunity."' Chris Patten, the European Union Commissioner for External Relations, echoed this theme when he stated that the new Court's purpose was to "ensure that genocide and other such crimes against humanity should no longer go unpunished."2 Scores of other world officials, human rights activists, and international law experts made similar predictions. These are unrealistic dreams. They are unrealistic for many reasons. But perhaps the most salient reason is that the ICC as currently organized is, and will remain, unacceptable to the United States. This is important because the ICC depends on U.S. political, military, and economic support for its success. An ICC without U.S. support -and indeed, with probable U.S. opposition-will not only fail to live up to its expectations. It may well do actual harm by discouraging the United States from engaging in various human rights-protecting activities. And this, in turn, may increase rather than decrease the impunity of those who violate human rights. I lay out the mechanisms of ICC futility and perversity as follows. Part I shows why the ICC will be incapable of punishing serious human rights abusers. Part II shows how the ICC will likely lead to less rather than more punishment for human rights abusers. Part III asks why the ICC framers might have designed a self-defeating institution. The Conclusion qualifies the analysis and points to larger lessons.
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弄巧成拙的国际刑事法院
2002年7月1日,人们对国际刑事法院(ICC)的成立寄予了厚望。科菲·安南抓住了这些期望,他表示希望新的国际刑事法院能够“阻止未来的战争罪犯,并使任何地方的任何统治者、任何国家、任何军政府和任何军队都不能践踏人权而不受惩罚的那一天更近。”欧盟对外关系专员克里斯·彭定康(Chris Patten)呼应了这一主题,他表示,新法院的目的是“确保种族灭绝和其他此类反人类罪行不再逍遥法外”。许多其他国家的官员、人权活动人士和国际法专家也做出了类似的预测。这些都是不切实际的梦想。由于许多原因,它们是不现实的。但也许最突出的原因是,国际刑事法院目前的组织形式是,而且将继续是美国无法接受的。这一点很重要,因为国际刑事法院的成功有赖于美国的政治、军事和经济支持。一个没有美国支持的国际刑事法院——事实上,美国很可能会反对——不仅无法达到它的期望。它很可能会使美国不愿从事各种人权保护活动,从而造成实际伤害。反过来,这可能会增加而不是减少侵犯人权者不受惩罚的情况。我将国际刑事法院无效和变态的机制阐述如下。第一部分说明了为什么国际刑事法院将无法惩罚严重侵犯人权者。第二部分展示了国际刑事法院如何可能减少而不是增加对侵犯人权者的惩罚。第三部分问为什么国际刑事法院的制定者可能设计了一个弄巧成拙的机构。结论对分析进行了限定,并指出了更大的教训。
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来源期刊
CiteScore
2.40
自引率
5.00%
发文量
2
期刊介绍: The University of Chicago Law Review is a quarterly journal of legal scholarship. Often cited in Supreme Court and other court opinions, as well as in other scholarly works, it is among the most influential journals in the field. Students have full responsibility for editing and publishing the Law Review; they also contribute original scholarship of their own. The Law Review"s editorial board selects all pieces for publication and, with the assistance of staff members, performs substantive and technical edits on each of these pieces prior to publication.
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