Islamic seapower during the age of fighting sail

Q3 Arts and Humanities Journal for Maritime Research Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI:10.1080/21533369.2021.1957391
T. Zorlu
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Abstract

adopt contemporary stereotypes regarding the ‘untrustworthy and unpredictable Barbary pirates’. It is, however, the case that the traditional Eurocentric diplomatic historiography against which Heinsen-Roach chooses to tilt has since some years been discredited. In the field of New Diplomatic History, it has long been emphasised that western diplomats, whether ambassadors or consuls, found it necessary to adapt to the conventions of their host states and to be prepared to be flexible with respect to their own diplomatic-cultural frames of reference. This is exemplified by the wellknown need for representatives of the Dutch East India Company to be prepared to perform the ritual obeisance of the kowtow before Chinese and Japanese potentates. A weakness of the book that may be mentioned is the rather narrow focus on its principal subject. Heinsen-Roach is determined to show that, in the second half of the seventeenth century, the States General proved unable, in its role as central lynchpin in the Republic’s political system, to raise sufficient funds to secure the release of the prisoners. This, she notes, ‘reflects the shortcomings of a decentralized state’. However, this is not really tenable if one reflects that, during this period, the States General were taking the lead in the creation of an enormously expanded standing navy of purpose-built warships, one furthermore that was intended as the property of the nation as a whole. This fleet did duty in the defence of the Republic and its maritime economy against the France of Louis XIV and the England of Charles II. It further played a leading role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. That the raising of funds for the redeeming of the captives was left to the families involved, and to their individual towns and regions, was not so much the result of the powerlessness of a decentralised system, but more a consequence of the scale of other, higher-priority matters demanding the attention of the States General and the provincial states.
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战帆时代的伊斯兰海权
接受当代关于“不可信赖和不可预测的巴巴里海盗”的刻板印象。然而,海因森-罗奇所反对的以欧洲为中心的传统外交史学,多年来一直受到质疑。在新外交史领域,长期以来一直强调西方外交官,无论是大使还是领事,都发现有必要适应东道国的惯例,并准备好灵活对待自己的外交文化参考框架。众所周知,荷兰东印度公司(Dutch East India Company)的代表需要在中国和日本的君主面前准备行磕头礼。这本书的一个缺点是对主要主题的关注过于狭隘。海因森-罗奇决心表明,在17世纪下半叶,作为共和国政治体系的中心枢纽,美国总参谋部未能筹集到足够的资金来确保囚犯的释放。她指出,这“反映了一个去中心化国家的缺点”。然而,这是站不住脚的,如果一个人反映,在这一时期,美国将军带头建立了一个庞大的常设海军,专门建造军舰,而且,这是作为整个国家的财产。这支舰队负责保卫共和国及其海上经济,抵御路易十四的法国和查理二世的英国。它还在1688年的光荣革命中发挥了主导作用。为赎回俘虏而筹集资金的工作留给了有关的家庭,以及他们各自所在的城镇和地区,这与其说是一个分散的制度无能为力的结果,倒不如说是其他更重要的事情需要联邦和各省政府注意的结果。
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Journal for Maritime Research
Journal for Maritime Research Arts and Humanities-History
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期刊介绍: The Journal for Maritime Research ( JMR ), established by the National Maritime Museum in 1999, focuses on historical enquiry at the intersections of maritime, British and global history. It champions a wide spectrum of innovative research on the maritime past. While the Journal has a particular focus on the British experience, it positions this within broad oceanic and international contexts, encouraging comparative perspectives and interdisciplinary approaches. The journal publishes research essays and reviews around 15-20 new books each year across a broad spectrum of maritime history. All research articles published in this journal undergo rigorous peer review, involving initial editor screening and independent assessment, normally by two anonymous referees.
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