{"title":"On Contradictions: The Architecture of Women’s Resistance and Emancipation in Early twentieth-Century Iran","authors":"A. Ziaee","doi":"10.4000/abe.7059","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The public spaces in Iran’s built environment were gendered sites of domination and subordination, yet also terrains of resistance and emancipation. Tracing the massive western-oriented project of modernization of public spaces issued by the Shah of Iran, Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941), this article contextualizes the gendered language used to advance modernization, and examines examples of women’s experiences in major cities including Tehran, Shiraz, Qazvin, Rasht, and Bushehr. During this period, modern architecture and planning movements in Iran mainly followed the discourse instigated by ciam [International Congresses of Modern Architecture]. Urban street plans with an orthogonal network of roads, streets, and wide boulevards were favored over the vernacular system of narrow, twisting, partly-roofed alleys, based on pedestrian movements. The modern movement also attempted to desegregate and “democratize” public spaces through gender desegregation, arguing that streets needed to be aesthetically-pleasing spaces where both men and women could walk and socialize in mixed-sex gatherings, a phenomenon that was not common in public spaces in the history of Iran. It should be noted that in 1936, Reza Shah promulgated a ban on the use of the chador (the traditional Iranian veil) in public places, in favor of Western women’s fashion, i.e., European hats, coats, and gloves. Due to this ban, some women, particularly those from conservative, religious, lower-class backgrounds, resisted using public spaces and streets. In older neighborhoods, where houses were attached to each other, these women used the rooftops as gathering spaces and as a form of pedestrian pathway. Others, mainly elite, urban, upper-class women, accepted and appreciated the desegregated spatial practices, using them to free themselves from social and cultural taboos. Building on postcolonial and transnational feminist theories, including those of Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1984) and Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan (1994), which critique modernity and modernization and emphasize the diversity of women’s experiences and the importance of contextualizing them, this article addresses how, in a political climate of enormous contradictions, architectures were (re)configured and (re)appropriated as physical tools of resistance against the coloniality of modernization of the built environment and state power for one group of women, yet simultaneously, were (re)envisioned as an apparatus of confrontation with cultural traditionalism and patriarchal ideologies for another group of women.","PeriodicalId":41296,"journal":{"name":"ABE Journal","volume":"75 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2000,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"ABE Journal","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.4000/abe.7059","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"0","JCRName":"ARCHITECTURE","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
The public spaces in Iran’s built environment were gendered sites of domination and subordination, yet also terrains of resistance and emancipation. Tracing the massive western-oriented project of modernization of public spaces issued by the Shah of Iran, Reza Shah Pahlavi (1925-1941), this article contextualizes the gendered language used to advance modernization, and examines examples of women’s experiences in major cities including Tehran, Shiraz, Qazvin, Rasht, and Bushehr. During this period, modern architecture and planning movements in Iran mainly followed the discourse instigated by ciam [International Congresses of Modern Architecture]. Urban street plans with an orthogonal network of roads, streets, and wide boulevards were favored over the vernacular system of narrow, twisting, partly-roofed alleys, based on pedestrian movements. The modern movement also attempted to desegregate and “democratize” public spaces through gender desegregation, arguing that streets needed to be aesthetically-pleasing spaces where both men and women could walk and socialize in mixed-sex gatherings, a phenomenon that was not common in public spaces in the history of Iran. It should be noted that in 1936, Reza Shah promulgated a ban on the use of the chador (the traditional Iranian veil) in public places, in favor of Western women’s fashion, i.e., European hats, coats, and gloves. Due to this ban, some women, particularly those from conservative, religious, lower-class backgrounds, resisted using public spaces and streets. In older neighborhoods, where houses were attached to each other, these women used the rooftops as gathering spaces and as a form of pedestrian pathway. Others, mainly elite, urban, upper-class women, accepted and appreciated the desegregated spatial practices, using them to free themselves from social and cultural taboos. Building on postcolonial and transnational feminist theories, including those of Chandra Talpade Mohanty (1984) and Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan (1994), which critique modernity and modernization and emphasize the diversity of women’s experiences and the importance of contextualizing them, this article addresses how, in a political climate of enormous contradictions, architectures were (re)configured and (re)appropriated as physical tools of resistance against the coloniality of modernization of the built environment and state power for one group of women, yet simultaneously, were (re)envisioned as an apparatus of confrontation with cultural traditionalism and patriarchal ideologies for another group of women.
伊朗建筑环境中的公共空间是统治和从属的性别场所,也是抵抗和解放的领域。本文追溯了伊朗国王礼萨·巴列维(Reza Shah Pahlavi, 1925-1941)发起的大规模以西方为导向的公共空间现代化项目,将用于推进现代化的性别语言置于语境中,并考察了德黑兰、设拉子、加兹温、拉什特和布什尔等主要城市的女性经历。在此期间,伊朗的现代建筑和规划运动主要遵循ciam(国际现代建筑大会)的话语。城市街道规划采用正交的道路、街道和宽阔的林荫大道网络,而不是基于行人运动的狭窄、扭曲、部分屋顶的小巷系统。现代运动还试图通过废除性别隔离来废除种族隔离并使公共空间“民主化”,认为街道需要成为美观的空间,男性和女性都可以在那里散步,并在男女混合的聚会中进行社交,这种现象在伊朗历史上的公共空间中并不常见。值得注意的是,在1936年,礼萨沙颁布了一项禁令,禁止在公共场所使用chador(传统的伊朗面纱),取而代之的是西方女性的时尚,即欧洲的帽子、外套和手套。由于这一禁令,一些女性,特别是那些来自保守、宗教和下层社会背景的女性,拒绝使用公共空间和街道。在老旧的社区里,房子彼此相连,这些妇女把屋顶用作聚会空间和行人通道。其他人,主要是精英、城市、上层阶级的妇女,接受并欣赏这种废除种族隔离的空间做法,利用它们将自己从社会和文化禁忌中解放出来。基于后殖民主义和跨国女权主义理论,包括钱德拉·塔尔帕德·莫汉蒂(1984)和因德帕尔·格里瓦尔和卡伦·卡普兰(1994)的理论,这些理论批判了现代性和现代化,强调了女性经历的多样性以及将其置于背景下的重要性,本文探讨了在巨大矛盾的政治气候下,对于一群女性来说,建筑被(重新)配置和(重新)挪用为抵抗建筑环境现代化的殖民主义和国家权力的物理工具,但同时,对于另一群女性来说,建筑被(重新)设想为与文化传统主义和父权意识形态对抗的工具。