Reclaiming Great Zimbabwe: progressive or regressive decoloniality?

IF 1.1 2区 历史学 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Azania-Archaeological Research in Africa Pub Date : 2021-07-03 DOI:10.1080/0067270X.2021.1957274
J. Fontein
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Abstract

Someone once commented (I don’t remember who) that they were amazed that there were still new books to write about Great Zimbabwe, given how much was already published. At the time, as I was writing The Silence of Great Zimbabwe (Fontein 2006), what amazed me was that no one had written that book already. As Terence Ranger commented at its launch, it was such a simple idea to research ‘local’ contested histories of Great Zimbabwe from the perspectives of people living around the site along with the long processes through which they had been marginalised from its historiography and its management: from the ‘Zimbabwe Controversy’ of the early twentieth century through the professionalisation of archaeology that followed and, still later, of heritage practices after independence in 1980. Why hadn’t these histories been researched years or even decades before? And why hadn’t Zimbabwean scholars written it? This is not to say that there was not excellent archaeological and historical work being written by Zimbabwean scholars. Far from it, in fact. Books by Pikirayi (2001), Pwiti (1996a) and Matenga (1998) shone out as examples of archaeological and heritage publications at the time that illustrated the sophistication of Zimbabwean archaeology and its emerging focus on these issues. I read these books intensively and their authors were tremendously helpful to me, then a fledging PhD student, as I got to grips with fieldwork. And yet, with the exception of Sinamai (1998), Pwiti (1996b; Pwiti and Ndoro 1999) and Ndoro (2001, although much of that doctoral thesis derived from others’ unpublished work) far too little had been published, at that stage, about Great Zimbabwe’s significance for the communities living around it, its place in contested ‘local’ histories, meanings, practices and values, the complex historical and archaeological processes that had excluded these stories from its historiography and management or, for that matter, about its place in anti-colonial nationalist and post-colonial ideologies, discourses and imaginaries. Not anymore. Since the early 2000s Zimbabwean archaeology and heritage studies, as well as studies of pre-colonial history, have continued to expand, now rightly dominated by Zimbabwean scholars. As a result, archaeological and historical debates have moved
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收复大津巴布韦:进步的还是倒退的去殖民化?
有人曾经评论说(我不记得是谁了),考虑到已经出版了那么多关于大津巴布韦的书,他们很惊讶还有新书可以写。当时,当我在写《大津巴布韦的沉默》(2006)时,令我惊讶的是,还没有人写过这本书。正如特伦斯·兰杰(Terence Ranger)在发布会上所评论的那样,从生活在遗址周围的人们的角度来研究大津巴布韦“当地”有争议的历史,以及他们在历史编纂和管理中被边缘化的漫长过程,这是一个非常简单的想法:从20世纪初的“津巴布韦争议”到随后的考古学专业化,再到1980年独立后的遗产实践。为什么几年甚至几十年前没有对这些历史进行研究?为什么津巴布韦的学者没有写呢?这并不是说津巴布韦学者没有优秀的考古和历史著作。事实上,远非如此。Pikirayi (2001), Pwiti (1996a)和Matenga(1998)的书在当时作为考古学和遗产出版物的例子脱颖而出,说明了津巴布韦考古学的复杂性及其对这些问题的新兴关注。我仔细阅读了这些书,它们的作者给了我很大的帮助,当时我还是一个初出茅庐的博士生,因为我掌握了实地工作。然而,除了Sinamai (1998), Pwiti (1996b;Pwiti和Ndoro(1999年)和Ndoro(2001年,尽管大部分博士论文来自其他人未发表的作品)在那个阶段,关于大津巴布韦对周围社区的重要性,它在有争议的“当地”历史中的地位,意义,实践和价值观,复杂的历史和考古过程将这些故事排除在历史编纂和管理之外,或者就此而言,关于其在反殖民民族主义和后殖民意识形态、话语和想象中的地位。不再......自21世纪初以来,津巴布韦的考古和遗产研究,以及前殖民历史的研究,不断扩大,现在由津巴布韦学者正确地主导。因此,考古和历史的争论已经转移
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CiteScore
2.40
自引率
9.10%
发文量
18
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