Neg reg 101

Amy Laitinen
{"title":"Neg reg 101","authors":"Amy Laitinen","doi":"10.1002/cbe2.1174","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"<p>The United States Department of Education will soon begin rulemaking on issues that are near and dear (or, at least, near) to the CBE community’s heart, including the credit hour and regular and substantive interaction. The process of rulemaking, as well as what can and cannot be accomplished by rulemaking, is not always clear. In this piece, I will try to shed some light on what the process of rulemaking looks like, as well as share some thoughts on the possibilities and dangers are of the upcoming rulemaking for CBE and what the CBE community can do to help shape this important endeavor.</p><p>You may have heard of negotiated rulemaking (sometimes also called “neg reg”) but what is it? Most simply, it is a way that federal agencies get public input from a variety of stakeholders who are likely to be affected by rules (aka regulations) the agencies put out. Federal agencies get input in a number of ways, including public hearings and calls for public comments, but negotiated rulemaking is a much more choreographed and elaborate process. Any federal agency can use negotiated rulemaking to get public input, but the U.S. Department of Education (the Department) is the only one of a small number of agencies required by Congress to use this form of input for certain types of regulations.</p><p>When the Department wants or needs to make regulations having to do with federal financial aid, it cannot just write a rule and implement regulations on its own. It must work with a group of stakeholders in a highly formalized process to try and come up with a rule that everyone can agree on.</p><p>The Department starts the process by first publishing a notice saying it intends to regulate in certain areas. The notice announces the hearings or meetings in which the public can weigh in on the areas under consideration. After hearing from the community, the Department will then put out another notice spelling out what it intends to regulate on and will ask for individuals representing key stakeholder groups (e.g., institutions of various types, accreditors, students) to volunteer to serve on a committee to help draft a rule. These committee members are called negotiators, since they are working together to negotiate a rule that, ideally, will represent the collective wisdom of a variety of interests. From the people nominated (the Department cannot include someone on the negotiating committee at this stage that has not been nominated), the Department puts together a group of negotiators that it believes will represent those who will be affected by the rule, hires a neutral third party to facilitate the meetings, and puts out a schedule of meetings. These meetings are open to the public, but the public may only comment at the end of each day. Once the meetings are underway, anyone can petition the negotiating committee to be added even if they were not nominated.</p><p>The process is time-consuming and labor intensive for the Department and the community. Generally, a negotiating committee meets for three sessions of 3 days each over a several-month period (although this can vary) to discuss what a rule should include. At the first session, the Department usually presents language for the committee to consider. The committee will spend the first session discussing, debating, and suggesting changes to the Department’s language describing the proposed change. Between sessions, the Department modifies the proposed language based on the previous conversations and agreements with negotiators and shares new language in advance of the next meeting with negotiators to discuss at the next session. If all of the negotiators and the Department can agree on language by the end of all of the sessions that will become the proposed rule that the Department will present to the public for final consideration. If everyone does not agree, however, the Department is free to write the rule on its own (taking into account the considerations raised by negotiators and the public). It will then publish its proposed rule and ask for public comments on the proposed regulations. Once all the comments have been read and addressed, the Department may publish the final version of its rule.</p><p>In late July of 2018, the Department put out a list of items that it intends to regulate on in the coming year. It is a long list of disparate topics from accreditation to regulatory activities for the upcoming year include state authorization, accreditation, the credit hour, and regular and substantive interaction. There will be public hearings in three states in September, and the public may also weigh in with written thoughts on the topics suggested by the Department by September 14th. Below, we will discuss the history and possibilities of legislative and regulatory efforts around two issues of interest to the CBE community: (a) the credit hour rule and (b) regular and substantive interaction.</p><p>As anyone involved in Competency-Based Education knows, the credit hour is the bedrock of federal financial aid. Virtually all calculations of students’ enrollment intensity, a critical measure that affects the amount of aid for which they are eligible rests on credit hours. This was not at all the original intent of the credit hour, which was devised by Andrew Carnegie over a 100 years ago in order to determine which faculty worked enough to qualify for a free pension plan, but it morphed and ossified into its current form and is now seemingly inescapable. As much as we love the whole history of the credit hour, which we detailed in our paper Cracking the Credit Hour, the purpose of the upcoming negotiated rulemaking is to deal with the federal definition of a credit hour—which is a much more recent development.</p><p>Although the credit hour allows students and institutions to receive hundreds of billions of dollars in federal financial aid, up until very recently, how credit hours were defined rested solely in the hands of colleges and their accreditors. But starting in 2009, the independent Inspector General (IG) of the Department of Education started highlighting insufficient oversight by the three regional accrediting agencies of credit hour processes. These accreditors oversaw one-third of all institutions that received federal financial aid, yet the IG found they had no established definition for a credit hour and exercised inadequate oversight on credit hour assignment processes for their institutions. For instance, one accreditor approved an institution that granted nine credits for a 10-week course—far beyond traditional colleges’ usual three credits for 15-week courses. The accreditor raised concerns about the excessive granting of credits for the course; but approved the institution’s subsequent proposal of breaking the course into two four-and-a-half credit, 5-week courses without further question. In response to the IG’s reports and recognizing the potential scope of the problem, the Department of Education developed a regulatory definition of a credit hour that sought to protect both the integrity of federal financial aid programs and allow for emerging non-time based innovations in higher education. It did this by allowing for three distinct ways of defining a credit hour. The first effectively restates historic practice: Credits are awarded based on time—time spent in class and time spent on work. The second is “evidence of student achievement,” which can mean many things but should be the foundation of any process for awarding grades and credits. The third method is estimating the “amount of work represented” in achieving learning outcomes. This method nods toward the logic of asynchronous courses offered at a distance; colleges can not very well base credits on the length of time students spend in class if students are not meeting in a classroom to learn. In the last part of the definition, the Department acknowledges that the amount of work spent learning and the time spent attending class are not the same thing, suggesting that traditional 15-week semesters can be translated into “the equivalent amount of work over a different amount of time.” Work turned out to be the Department’s middle ground between time, an easily measured but poor proxy for quality, and learning, difficult to measure but a true indicator of quality.</p><p>The definition—which the Department is allowed to create through regulation—allows for both a time and learning-based definition of credit hours but does not fundamentally change the fact that the credit hour is embedded in nearly every part of the law that oversees federal financial aid. It is in law that there are some barriers to the efficient disbursement of federal aid in CBE programs—but the Department can not change the law. Only Congress can do that.</p><p>So what, then, can the Department do vis-a-vis the credit hour in its upcoming negotiated rulemaking sessions? A likely scenario is that it returns to a world in which there is no federal definition of a credit hour. While this may sound appealing, it would not change the fact that credit hours are baked into nearly every aspect of awarding federal financial aid. What it will do is revoke a minimum standard for the amount of time or learning expected to represent a credit hour. This will likely have little to no impact on the many good providers of high-quality CBE programs. In fact, since the rule took effect, there has been an impressive growth in the number and type of CBE programs. Repealing the rule or removing a minimum floor for work or learning would, however, provide an opening to unscrupulous providers to gain access to more federal Pell grant and loan dollars by inflating the number of credit hours students (and, therefore, the institution) receive.</p><p>For several years, there has been a robust, if niche, conversation about the need to update the requirements for “regular and substantive interaction with the instructor” for distance CBE programs. The law (not the Department of Education’s regulations) requires that distance education programs of all kinds have “regular and substantive interaction with the instructor”. Programs that do not have this type of interaction are still eligible to have students receive financial aid but only under the restrictions imposed on correspondence programs. The restrictions include less federal financial aid or no federal financial aid at all if more than 50% of the institution’s students or programs are offered through correspondence.</p><p>Many of us working on CBE have been deeply engaged in these discussions, working to carefully and thoughtfully assess opportunities to re-envision the regular and substantive interaction requirement for high-quality CBE programs.</p><p>However, while it is tempting for good actors who are trying to provide innovative programs to just say “throw it out,” we must remember the origins of and intent behind the law. It was a response to rampant fraud and abuse stemming from the increase in correspondence programs in the 1980s and 1990s (which came only a few decades after rampant abuse in correspondence programs aimed at veterans returning from war with GI Bill dollars to use). These programs promised flexible options for working adults, but the availability of federal dollars—with no strings attached to student outcomes—proved too tempting for unscrupulous providers to resist. Many students were taken for a ride, taxpayers were left on the hook, and Congress took action.</p><p>To reduce the risk of abuse, Congress created a definition for correspondence education and established additional restrictions for those programs, such as limiting the amount of federal financial aid for which they were eligible in the 1992 Higher Education Act Amendments. In 2006, Congress moved to make distance education programs eligible for federal financial aid, without placing the same restrictions on them as correspondence education, and so established a statutory definition that created a distinction between correspondence and distance education programs. The law and the regulations have helped to prevent many of the abuses spotted in correspondence education, in conjunction with the credit hour and other rules. These regulations do not appear to have hindered growth in distance education since enrollment in distance education has ballooned since 2008.</p><p>However, the rise of competency-based education programs that make use of new models for faculty, and technological advancements that allow CBE programs to design personalized, supported learning programs with proactive support from faculty, have raised new questions about regular and substantive interaction in the context of distance CBE programs. The CBE community has spent several years thinking about how to fix—and not throw out or gut—the regular and substantive interaction requirement in a way that enables high-quality, cutting-edge outcomes-driven programs that serve students well to thrive. Gutting or throwing out this requirement would be harmful to the field of CBE, as it could open the floodgates to unscrupulous actors that call themselves “CBE,” take students money and provide shoddy education, and ruin the reputation of the good actors in the field—and ultimately destroy the credibility of CBE itself. This must be done thoughtfully, and in consultation with CBE leaders and consumer protection advocates.</p><p>But the Department is extremely limited in terms of what it can do for just CBE programs in terms of regular and substantive interaction. Currently, there is no definition in the law for CBE, which means that if the Administration wants to make changes to regular and substantive interaction, it would have to change regular and substantive interaction for all distance education programs. This would be a huge threat to quality, program integrity, and to the CBE community, which has worked diligently over the past few years to hold itself up on its outcomes, not just on its delivery method. The CBE community has been willing to (and has wanted to) be held to a higher standard. The broader field of distance education has not yet done the same, meaning that any definition that would be acceptable to the broader distance education field would need to appeal to the lowest denominator and would most likely provide even less quality assurance than we have now.</p><p>While we understand the Department’s interest in addressing the regular and substantive issue for CBE programs, its options are limited by the law. And, again, only Congress can change the law. However, the Department can play a critical role in moving this conversation forward through its CBE experiment under the Experimental Sites Initiative, which is allowing CBE institutions to experiment with flexible definitions of regular and substantive interaction.</p><p>The Department should use information from these experiments to help Congress better understand the educational support and resources students need to progress through their programs, the content, activities, support, and resources needed to help students attain and demonstrate competency; to understand and address the role of faculty and faculty involvement in CBE programs, including how they effectively provide functions traditionally assigned to faculty using other staff; and to identify additional resources that may be needed for adequate oversight of CBE programs. All of this, of course, should be within the broader context of looking at the student outcomes (as opposed to inputs) in these programs. This could be critical information that Congress could use as it considers changes to the Higher Education Act to enable responsible, high-quality CBE programs.</p><p>The Department’s proposed list of items to cover in one rulemaking session is long and complicated. It will need thoughtful input from the community on how to enable responsible innovation that serves—rather than harms—students. There will be pressure to simply rollback or gut the rules, rather than doing the hard work of thinking through how to protect students while enabling innovative models. Members of the community can engage in any number of ways: participating in hearings, submitting public comments, and serving as members of a negotiating subcommittee on CBE, and serving as negotiators. Serving as a negotiator or on a subcommittee is tiring, often thankless work—but there is the opportunity to help carefully inform a process that will ultimately affect thousands of institutions, millions of students, and billions of dollars.</p>","PeriodicalId":101234,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of Competency-Based Education","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2018-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1002/cbe2.1174","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Journal of Competency-Based Education","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/cbe2.1174","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
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Abstract

The United States Department of Education will soon begin rulemaking on issues that are near and dear (or, at least, near) to the CBE community’s heart, including the credit hour and regular and substantive interaction. The process of rulemaking, as well as what can and cannot be accomplished by rulemaking, is not always clear. In this piece, I will try to shed some light on what the process of rulemaking looks like, as well as share some thoughts on the possibilities and dangers are of the upcoming rulemaking for CBE and what the CBE community can do to help shape this important endeavor.

You may have heard of negotiated rulemaking (sometimes also called “neg reg”) but what is it? Most simply, it is a way that federal agencies get public input from a variety of stakeholders who are likely to be affected by rules (aka regulations) the agencies put out. Federal agencies get input in a number of ways, including public hearings and calls for public comments, but negotiated rulemaking is a much more choreographed and elaborate process. Any federal agency can use negotiated rulemaking to get public input, but the U.S. Department of Education (the Department) is the only one of a small number of agencies required by Congress to use this form of input for certain types of regulations.

When the Department wants or needs to make regulations having to do with federal financial aid, it cannot just write a rule and implement regulations on its own. It must work with a group of stakeholders in a highly formalized process to try and come up with a rule that everyone can agree on.

The Department starts the process by first publishing a notice saying it intends to regulate in certain areas. The notice announces the hearings or meetings in which the public can weigh in on the areas under consideration. After hearing from the community, the Department will then put out another notice spelling out what it intends to regulate on and will ask for individuals representing key stakeholder groups (e.g., institutions of various types, accreditors, students) to volunteer to serve on a committee to help draft a rule. These committee members are called negotiators, since they are working together to negotiate a rule that, ideally, will represent the collective wisdom of a variety of interests. From the people nominated (the Department cannot include someone on the negotiating committee at this stage that has not been nominated), the Department puts together a group of negotiators that it believes will represent those who will be affected by the rule, hires a neutral third party to facilitate the meetings, and puts out a schedule of meetings. These meetings are open to the public, but the public may only comment at the end of each day. Once the meetings are underway, anyone can petition the negotiating committee to be added even if they were not nominated.

The process is time-consuming and labor intensive for the Department and the community. Generally, a negotiating committee meets for three sessions of 3 days each over a several-month period (although this can vary) to discuss what a rule should include. At the first session, the Department usually presents language for the committee to consider. The committee will spend the first session discussing, debating, and suggesting changes to the Department’s language describing the proposed change. Between sessions, the Department modifies the proposed language based on the previous conversations and agreements with negotiators and shares new language in advance of the next meeting with negotiators to discuss at the next session. If all of the negotiators and the Department can agree on language by the end of all of the sessions that will become the proposed rule that the Department will present to the public for final consideration. If everyone does not agree, however, the Department is free to write the rule on its own (taking into account the considerations raised by negotiators and the public). It will then publish its proposed rule and ask for public comments on the proposed regulations. Once all the comments have been read and addressed, the Department may publish the final version of its rule.

In late July of 2018, the Department put out a list of items that it intends to regulate on in the coming year. It is a long list of disparate topics from accreditation to regulatory activities for the upcoming year include state authorization, accreditation, the credit hour, and regular and substantive interaction. There will be public hearings in three states in September, and the public may also weigh in with written thoughts on the topics suggested by the Department by September 14th. Below, we will discuss the history and possibilities of legislative and regulatory efforts around two issues of interest to the CBE community: (a) the credit hour rule and (b) regular and substantive interaction.

As anyone involved in Competency-Based Education knows, the credit hour is the bedrock of federal financial aid. Virtually all calculations of students’ enrollment intensity, a critical measure that affects the amount of aid for which they are eligible rests on credit hours. This was not at all the original intent of the credit hour, which was devised by Andrew Carnegie over a 100 years ago in order to determine which faculty worked enough to qualify for a free pension plan, but it morphed and ossified into its current form and is now seemingly inescapable. As much as we love the whole history of the credit hour, which we detailed in our paper Cracking the Credit Hour, the purpose of the upcoming negotiated rulemaking is to deal with the federal definition of a credit hour—which is a much more recent development.

Although the credit hour allows students and institutions to receive hundreds of billions of dollars in federal financial aid, up until very recently, how credit hours were defined rested solely in the hands of colleges and their accreditors. But starting in 2009, the independent Inspector General (IG) of the Department of Education started highlighting insufficient oversight by the three regional accrediting agencies of credit hour processes. These accreditors oversaw one-third of all institutions that received federal financial aid, yet the IG found they had no established definition for a credit hour and exercised inadequate oversight on credit hour assignment processes for their institutions. For instance, one accreditor approved an institution that granted nine credits for a 10-week course—far beyond traditional colleges’ usual three credits for 15-week courses. The accreditor raised concerns about the excessive granting of credits for the course; but approved the institution’s subsequent proposal of breaking the course into two four-and-a-half credit, 5-week courses without further question. In response to the IG’s reports and recognizing the potential scope of the problem, the Department of Education developed a regulatory definition of a credit hour that sought to protect both the integrity of federal financial aid programs and allow for emerging non-time based innovations in higher education. It did this by allowing for three distinct ways of defining a credit hour. The first effectively restates historic practice: Credits are awarded based on time—time spent in class and time spent on work. The second is “evidence of student achievement,” which can mean many things but should be the foundation of any process for awarding grades and credits. The third method is estimating the “amount of work represented” in achieving learning outcomes. This method nods toward the logic of asynchronous courses offered at a distance; colleges can not very well base credits on the length of time students spend in class if students are not meeting in a classroom to learn. In the last part of the definition, the Department acknowledges that the amount of work spent learning and the time spent attending class are not the same thing, suggesting that traditional 15-week semesters can be translated into “the equivalent amount of work over a different amount of time.” Work turned out to be the Department’s middle ground between time, an easily measured but poor proxy for quality, and learning, difficult to measure but a true indicator of quality.

The definition—which the Department is allowed to create through regulation—allows for both a time and learning-based definition of credit hours but does not fundamentally change the fact that the credit hour is embedded in nearly every part of the law that oversees federal financial aid. It is in law that there are some barriers to the efficient disbursement of federal aid in CBE programs—but the Department can not change the law. Only Congress can do that.

So what, then, can the Department do vis-a-vis the credit hour in its upcoming negotiated rulemaking sessions? A likely scenario is that it returns to a world in which there is no federal definition of a credit hour. While this may sound appealing, it would not change the fact that credit hours are baked into nearly every aspect of awarding federal financial aid. What it will do is revoke a minimum standard for the amount of time or learning expected to represent a credit hour. This will likely have little to no impact on the many good providers of high-quality CBE programs. In fact, since the rule took effect, there has been an impressive growth in the number and type of CBE programs. Repealing the rule or removing a minimum floor for work or learning would, however, provide an opening to unscrupulous providers to gain access to more federal Pell grant and loan dollars by inflating the number of credit hours students (and, therefore, the institution) receive.

For several years, there has been a robust, if niche, conversation about the need to update the requirements for “regular and substantive interaction with the instructor” for distance CBE programs. The law (not the Department of Education’s regulations) requires that distance education programs of all kinds have “regular and substantive interaction with the instructor”. Programs that do not have this type of interaction are still eligible to have students receive financial aid but only under the restrictions imposed on correspondence programs. The restrictions include less federal financial aid or no federal financial aid at all if more than 50% of the institution’s students or programs are offered through correspondence.

Many of us working on CBE have been deeply engaged in these discussions, working to carefully and thoughtfully assess opportunities to re-envision the regular and substantive interaction requirement for high-quality CBE programs.

However, while it is tempting for good actors who are trying to provide innovative programs to just say “throw it out,” we must remember the origins of and intent behind the law. It was a response to rampant fraud and abuse stemming from the increase in correspondence programs in the 1980s and 1990s (which came only a few decades after rampant abuse in correspondence programs aimed at veterans returning from war with GI Bill dollars to use). These programs promised flexible options for working adults, but the availability of federal dollars—with no strings attached to student outcomes—proved too tempting for unscrupulous providers to resist. Many students were taken for a ride, taxpayers were left on the hook, and Congress took action.

To reduce the risk of abuse, Congress created a definition for correspondence education and established additional restrictions for those programs, such as limiting the amount of federal financial aid for which they were eligible in the 1992 Higher Education Act Amendments. In 2006, Congress moved to make distance education programs eligible for federal financial aid, without placing the same restrictions on them as correspondence education, and so established a statutory definition that created a distinction between correspondence and distance education programs. The law and the regulations have helped to prevent many of the abuses spotted in correspondence education, in conjunction with the credit hour and other rules. These regulations do not appear to have hindered growth in distance education since enrollment in distance education has ballooned since 2008.

However, the rise of competency-based education programs that make use of new models for faculty, and technological advancements that allow CBE programs to design personalized, supported learning programs with proactive support from faculty, have raised new questions about regular and substantive interaction in the context of distance CBE programs. The CBE community has spent several years thinking about how to fix—and not throw out or gut—the regular and substantive interaction requirement in a way that enables high-quality, cutting-edge outcomes-driven programs that serve students well to thrive. Gutting or throwing out this requirement would be harmful to the field of CBE, as it could open the floodgates to unscrupulous actors that call themselves “CBE,” take students money and provide shoddy education, and ruin the reputation of the good actors in the field—and ultimately destroy the credibility of CBE itself. This must be done thoughtfully, and in consultation with CBE leaders and consumer protection advocates.

But the Department is extremely limited in terms of what it can do for just CBE programs in terms of regular and substantive interaction. Currently, there is no definition in the law for CBE, which means that if the Administration wants to make changes to regular and substantive interaction, it would have to change regular and substantive interaction for all distance education programs. This would be a huge threat to quality, program integrity, and to the CBE community, which has worked diligently over the past few years to hold itself up on its outcomes, not just on its delivery method. The CBE community has been willing to (and has wanted to) be held to a higher standard. The broader field of distance education has not yet done the same, meaning that any definition that would be acceptable to the broader distance education field would need to appeal to the lowest denominator and would most likely provide even less quality assurance than we have now.

While we understand the Department’s interest in addressing the regular and substantive issue for CBE programs, its options are limited by the law. And, again, only Congress can change the law. However, the Department can play a critical role in moving this conversation forward through its CBE experiment under the Experimental Sites Initiative, which is allowing CBE institutions to experiment with flexible definitions of regular and substantive interaction.

The Department should use information from these experiments to help Congress better understand the educational support and resources students need to progress through their programs, the content, activities, support, and resources needed to help students attain and demonstrate competency; to understand and address the role of faculty and faculty involvement in CBE programs, including how they effectively provide functions traditionally assigned to faculty using other staff; and to identify additional resources that may be needed for adequate oversight of CBE programs. All of this, of course, should be within the broader context of looking at the student outcomes (as opposed to inputs) in these programs. This could be critical information that Congress could use as it considers changes to the Higher Education Act to enable responsible, high-quality CBE programs.

The Department’s proposed list of items to cover in one rulemaking session is long and complicated. It will need thoughtful input from the community on how to enable responsible innovation that serves—rather than harms—students. There will be pressure to simply rollback or gut the rules, rather than doing the hard work of thinking through how to protect students while enabling innovative models. Members of the community can engage in any number of ways: participating in hearings, submitting public comments, and serving as members of a negotiating subcommittee on CBE, and serving as negotiators. Serving as a negotiator or on a subcommittee is tiring, often thankless work—but there is the opportunity to help carefully inform a process that will ultimately affect thousands of institutions, millions of students, and billions of dollars.

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美国教育部将很快开始制定规则,这些规则与CBE社区的核心密切相关(或至少接近),包括学时和定期和实质性的互动。规则制定的过程,以及规则制定能完成什么和不能完成什么,并不总是很清楚。在这篇文章中,我将试图阐明规则制定的过程,并分享一些关于即将到来的CBE规则制定的可能性和危险的想法,以及CBE社区可以做些什么来帮助塑造这一重要努力。你可能听说过协商规则制定(有时也被称为“neg regg”),但它是什么?最简单地说,这是联邦机构从各种利益相关者那里获得公众意见的一种方式,这些利益相关者可能会受到机构制定的规则(又名条例)的影响。联邦机构通过多种方式获得意见,包括公开听证会和征求公众意见,但协商制定规则是一个更加精心设计和复杂的过程。任何联邦机构都可以通过协商制定规则来获得公众意见,但美国教育部是国会要求的少数几个机构中唯一一个在某些类型的法规中使用这种形式的机构。当财政部想要或需要制定与联邦财政援助有关的规定时,它不能只是自己写一条规则并实施规定。它必须在一个高度正式的过程中与一组利益相关者合作,试图提出一个每个人都能同意的规则。该部门首先发布通知,表示它打算在某些领域进行监管。该通知宣布了公众可以就所考虑的领域发表意见的听证会或会议。在听取了社区的意见后,教育部将发布另一份通知,阐明它打算监管的内容,并要求代表主要利益相关者群体(例如,各种类型的机构、认证机构、学生)的个人自愿加入一个委员会,帮助起草一项规则。这些委员会成员被称为谈判者,因为他们正在共同协商一项规则,理想情况下,该规则将代表各种利益的集体智慧。从被提名的人员中(在这个阶段,国务院不能把没有被提名的人纳入谈判委员会),国务院组建一个谈判小组,它认为这些谈判小组将代表那些将受到规则影响的人,聘请一个中立的第三方来促进会议,并制定会议时间表。这些会议对公众开放,但公众只能在每天结束时发表评论。一旦会议开始,任何人都可以申请加入谈判委员会,即使他们没有被提名。这个过程对本署和社会来说既费时又费力。一般来说,谈判委员会会在几个月的时间里召开三次会议,每次会议三天(尽管这可能会有所不同),讨论规则应该包括哪些内容。在第一届会议上,新闻部通常提出语言供委员会审议。委员会将在第一届会议上讨论、辩论并提出修改国防部描述拟议变更的措辞的建议。在两届会议之间,新闻部根据同谈判人员以前的谈话和协议修改拟议的措词,并在下次会议之前同谈判人员分享新的措词,以便在下一届会议上讨论。如果所有谈判代表和商务部在所有会议结束前就措辞达成一致,这将成为拟议规则,商务部将向公众提交最后审议。但是,如果每个人都不同意,该部可以自行制定规则(考虑到谈判者和公众提出的考虑)。然后,它将公布其拟议规则,并征求公众对拟议规则的意见。一旦所有的意见都被阅读和处理,部门可以公布其规则的最终版本。2018年7月下旬,该部门公布了一份计划在未来一年进行监管的项目清单。这是一长串不同主题的清单,从认证到来年的监管活动,包括国家授权、认证、学时以及定期和实质性的互动。9月将在三个州举行公开听证会,公众也可以在9月14日之前就司法部提出的主题提出书面意见。下面,我们将围绕CBE社区感兴趣的两个问题讨论立法和监管工作的历史和可能性:(a)学分规则和(b)定期和实质性的互动。 任何参与能力教育的人都知道,学时制是联邦财政援助的基石。几乎所有学生入学强度的计算都取决于学时,这是一个影响学生有资格获得多少援助的关键指标。这根本不是学分制的初衷,它是由安德鲁·卡内基(Andrew Carnegie)在100多年前设计的,目的是确定哪些教员的工作足够多,有资格享受免费养老金计划,但它演变并僵化为目前的形式,现在似乎是不可避免的。尽管我们非常喜欢信用小时制的整个历史,我们在《破解信用小时制》一文中详细介绍了这一点,但即将进行的协商规则制定的目的是处理联邦对信用小时制的定义——这是最近的发展。尽管学时制让学生和机构获得了数千亿美元的联邦财政援助,但直到最近,如何定义学时制还完全掌握在大学及其认证机构手中。但从2009年开始,教育部的独立监察长(IG)开始强调三个地区认证机构对学时过程的监管不足。这些认证机构监管着接受联邦财政援助的所有机构的三分之一,但监察长发现,他们对学时没有既定的定义,对其机构的学时分配过程也没有充分的监督。例如,一位认证人员批准了一家机构,该机构在为期10周的课程中授予9个学分,远远超过了传统大学通常的15周课程3个学分。认证人员对课程的学分过多表示担忧;但他同意了学院随后的提议,将课程分成两门四学分半、五周的课程,没有进一步的质疑。作为对监察长报告的回应,并认识到问题的潜在范围,教育部制定了学时的监管定义,旨在保护联邦财政援助计划的完整性,并允许高等教育中出现的非时制创新。它允许三种不同的方式来定义一个小时的学分。第一个有效地重申了历史惯例:学分的授予是基于上课时间和工作时间。第二项是“学生成绩的证明”,这可能意味着很多东西,但应该是任何授予成绩和学分的过程的基础。第三种方法是评估实现学习成果的“工作量”。这种方法支持远程异步课程的逻辑;如果学生不在教室里学习,大学就不能很好地根据学生在课堂上花费的时间长短来确定学分。在定义的最后一部分,教育部承认花在学习上的工作量和花在上课上的时间不是一回事,这表明传统的15周学期可以被翻译成“在不同的时间内完成等量的工作”。工作变成了该部门在时间和学习之间的中间地带,时间是一个容易衡量但质量不好的代理,学习是一个难以衡量但质量的真实指标。该定义——由教育部通过法规制定——允许以时间和学习为基础的学分定义,但并没有从根本上改变这样一个事实,即学分几乎嵌入了监督联邦财政援助的法律的每一部分。在法律上,在CBE项目中有效地支付联邦援助存在一些障碍,但商务部不能改变法律。只有国会能做到这一点。那么,在即将举行的规则制定谈判会议上,新闻部可以就学分制做些什么呢?一种可能的情况是,它回到了一个没有联邦政府对信贷小时定义的世界。虽然这听起来很有吸引力,但它不会改变这样一个事实:信贷时间几乎被纳入联邦财政援助的各个方面。它所要做的是取消代表一个学分的时间或学习量的最低标准。这可能对许多高质量CBE项目的优秀提供者几乎没有影响。事实上,自该规定生效以来,CBE项目的数量和类型都有了令人印象深刻的增长。然而,废除这一规定或取消工作或学习的最低标准,将为不择手段的提供者提供一个机会,通过夸大学生(以及学校)获得的学分数,来获得更多的联邦佩尔助学金和贷款。 几年来,关于需要更新远程CBE课程“与教师进行定期和实质性的互动”的要求,一直存在着一种强有力的(如果是利基的)讨论。法律(不是教育部的规定)要求所有类型的远程教育项目都“与教师进行定期和实质性的互动”。没有这种互动的项目仍然有资格让学生获得经济援助,但仅限于对函授项目施加的限制。限制包括减少联邦财政援助或根本没有联邦财政援助,如果超过50%的学生或项目是通过通信提供的。我们许多从事文化文化教育的人已经深入地参与了这些讨论,努力仔细和深思熟虑地评估机会,重新设想高质量文化文化教育项目的常规和实质性互动需求。然而,对于那些试图提供创新项目的优秀演员来说,说“把它扔掉”是很诱人的,我们必须记住法律背后的起源和意图。这是对20世纪80年代和90年代通信项目猖獗的欺诈和滥用行为的回应(这是在针对从战争中归来的退伍军人的通信项目猖獗滥用之后的几十年)。这些项目承诺为有工作的成年人提供灵活的选择,但事实证明,联邦资金的可用性——对学生的成绩没有任何附加条件——对不道德的提供者来说太诱人了,无法抗拒。许多学生被骗了,纳税人被困住了,国会采取了行动。为了减少滥用的风险,国会给函授教育下了定义,并对函授教育项目设立了额外的限制,比如在1992年的《高等教育法修正案》中,限制函授教育项目可获得的联邦财政援助金额。2006年,国会采取行动,使远程教育项目有资格获得联邦财政援助,而没有对其施加与函授教育相同的限制,因此建立了一个法定定义,区分了函授和远程教育项目。这项法律和规定,再加上学时制和其他规定,有助于防止函授教育中出现的许多滥用行为。这些规定似乎并没有阻碍远程教育的发展,因为自2008年以来,远程教育的入学人数激增。然而,以能力为基础的教育项目的兴起,利用了教师的新模式,以及技术的进步,使得CBE项目能够设计个性化的、由教师主动支持的学习项目,这些都提出了关于远程CBE项目中定期和实质性互动的新问题。CBE社区花了几年时间思考如何修正——而不是抛弃或取消——常规和实质性的互动要求,以一种方式使高质量、前沿的、以结果为导向的项目能够更好地为学生服务。取消或抛弃这一要求对CBE领域是有害的,因为它可能为那些自称为“CBE”的肆无忌惮的演员打开闸门,他们拿走学生的钱,提供劣质的教育,破坏了该领域优秀演员的声誉,最终破坏了CBE本身的可信度。这必须经过深思熟虑,并与CBE领导人和消费者保护倡导者协商。但是国务院在CBE项目中所能做的非常有限在常规和实质性的互动方面。目前,法律中没有对CBE的定义,这意味着如果政府想要改变常规和实质性的互动,它将不得不改变所有远程教育项目的常规和实质性互动。这将是对质量、项目完整性和CBE社区的巨大威胁,CBE社区在过去几年中一直勤奋地工作,以保持其成果,而不仅仅是其交付方法。CBE社区一直愿意(也一直希望)被要求达到更高的标准。更广泛的远程教育领域还没有做到这一点,这意味着任何可以被更广泛的远程教育领域接受的定义都需要吸引最小分母,并且很可能提供比我们现在更少的质量保证。虽然我们理解国防部有兴趣解决CBE项目的常规和实质性问题,但它的选择受到法律的限制。再说一次,只有国会可以修改法律。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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Issue Information Exploring secondary teachers' perspectives on implementing competency-based education The impact of student recognition of excellence to student outcome in a competency-based educational model Issue Information JCBE editorial
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