从煽动到起诉?起诉伊朗总统主张以色列的破坏和拼凑煽动法的新兴分析框架

G. S. Gordon
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引用次数: 8

摘要

2005年10月25日,在德黑兰举行的一次反犹太复国主义会议上,伊朗总统马哈茂德·艾哈迈迪-内贾德(Mahmoud Ahmadinejad)呼吁“将以色列从地图上抹去”——这是他鼓吹消灭这个犹太国家的一系列煽动性讲话中的第一次。某些评论人士认为,这些言论构成直接和公开煽动种族灭绝。本文通过研究卢旺达种族灭绝起诉引起的煽动法最近突破性发展的性质和范围来分析这一主张。它根据从这些案件中得出的原则,包括加拿大最高法院对Leon Mugesera案的意见,拼凑出一个分析框架。利用这一框架,它表明,虽然成功的起诉将需要清除重大的实质性和程序性障碍,但鉴于煽动与伊朗支持对以色列的恐怖袭击的关系,它可以包括煽动罪和危害人类罪的指控。然而,要审理此案,国际刑事法院必须抛开与中东有毒的政治环境和缺乏因果关系有关的政治压力。这种情况发生的几率很低。因此,本文建议将煽动法的重点从暴行后的惩罚转向威慑。这将允许早期干预并将煽动集中在其预防暴行的核心任务上。该条还建议,用于掩饰煽动的委婉语,如“预言”破坏,当与直接呼吁暴力联系在一起时,也应被视为直接煽动行为。最后,关于危害人类罪,该条解释说,在煽动者的坚持下由代理人对平民进行的攻击,而不是由实际煽动者本人直接进行的攻击,应足以确定责任。与此同时,为了保护言论自由,如果没有证据表明呼吁受保护的群体暴力,而不仅仅是仇恨,就不应该指控这种罪行。
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From Incitement to Indictment? Prosecuting Iran's President for Advocating Israel's Destruction and Piecing Together Incitement Law's Emerging Analytical Framework
On October 25, 2005, at an anti-Zionism conference in Tehran, Iran's President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, called for Israel to "be wiped off the face of the map" -- the first in a series of incendiary speeches arguably advocating liquidation of the Jewish state. Certain commentators contend that these statements constitute direct and public incitement to commit genocide. This Article analyzes this assertion by examining the nature and scope of recent groundbreaking developments in incitement law arising from the Rwandan genocide prosecutions. It pieces together an analytical framework based on principles derived from these cases, including the Canadian Supreme Court's opinion in the Leon Mugesera matter. Using this framework, it demonstrates that while a successful prosecution would entail clearing significant substantive and procedural hurdles, it could include both incitement and crimes against humanity charges in light of the incitement's nexus with Iran's sponsorship of terrorist attacks against Israel. However, to take the case, the International Criminal Court would have to put aside political pressures related to the Middle East's toxic political environment and the absence of causation. The odds of this happening are long. As a result, the Article proposes that incitement law shift its focus from post-atrocity punishment to deterrence. This would permit early intervention and center incitement on its core mission of atrocity prevention. The Article also suggests that euphemisms employed to disguise incitement, such as "predictions" of destruction, when anchored to direct calls for violence, should also be considered acts of direct incitement. Finally, with respect to crimes against humanity, the Article explains that attacks on a civilian population carried out by a proxy at the insistence of the inciter, rather than directly by the actual inciter himself, should be sufficient to establish liability. At the same time, in the interest of protecting free speech, the crime should not be charged absent evidence of calls for protected-group violence, as opposed to mere hatred.
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