转型经济中的经济危机与政治参与:来自俄罗斯的证据

Altay Mussurov, P. Mosley
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摘要

各国在1997-2000年全球危机后进行调整的经验,引发了许多与调整的政治经济和社会成本相关的辩论。其中,俄罗斯的经验尤其有争议,一方面是因为大量俄罗斯人在改革过程中经历了严重的冲击,另一方面是因为政治后果,在许多省份都发生了街头抗议和示威,在一些省份还发生了暴力和要求分离的行为(Giuliano 2006)。这些政治后果与当前十年环境下调整的政治可行性的一般问题有关,这在我们的研究项目中的几篇论文中进行了研究(例如Mosley 2007a, 2007b)。在本文中,我们在此背景下考察了1998年俄罗斯金融危机期间的政治参与和工资不平等。我们使用了两个家庭调查数据集。VTsIOM于一九九八年及一九九九年进行住户调查数据集,分析个人对经济困难加剧的反应模式。我们利用俄罗斯纵向监测调查(RLMS)的数据来分析危机对福利的影响。我们解决两个关键问题。首先,我们试图找出个人倾向于参与政治抗议背后的主要因素。我们特别关注是什么决定了个人对改革的支持,以及个人倾向是否会随着目标受众的变化而变化。其次,本着Brainerd(1998)早期分析的精神,我们试图确定谁是危机中的赢家和输家。特别是,我们分析了危机期间工资不平等是否扩大,工资歧视是否恶化。出于几个原因,这些问题引起了人们的兴趣。首先,危机的速度和程度对俄罗斯经济产生了巨大影响,这反过来又可能影响到要求政策逆转的政治动员。其次,如果金融危机导致了工资不平等,那么确定工资不平等的程度、模式和性质对于有效制定政策至关重要。
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Economic Crisis and Political Participation in a Transitional Economy: Evidence from Russia
The experience of countries adjusting in the wake of the global crisis of 1997-2000 has awakened many debates related to the political economy and social costs of adjustment. Amongst these, the experience of Russia is particularly controversial, both because of the great severity of the shock experienced by a large number of Russians during the process of perestroika, and because of the political consequences, which in many provinces have involved street protests and demonstrations and in some, also violence and demands for secession (Giuliano 2006). These political consequences are relevant to the general question of the political feasibility of adjustment in the circumstances of the present decade, which is examined in several papers within our research project (e.g. Mosley 2007a, 2007b). In this paper, we examine within this context political participation and wage inequality during the 1998 financial crisis in Russia. We use two household survey data sets. The VTsIOM household survey dataset, conducted in 1998 and 1999, was used to analyze individuals’ response patters to escalating economic hardship. Data from the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey (RLMS) was employed in our analysis of the welfare impacts of the crisis. We address two key questions. Firstly, we attempt to identify major factors behind individuals’ propensity to take part in a political protest. In particular, we look at what determines individual support for reform and whether individual propensities change with the targeted audience. Secondly, we attempt to determine who are the winners and losers from the crisis, in the spirit of the earlier analysis of Brainerd(1998).In particular, we analyse whether wage inequality widened during the crisis and whether wage discrimination worsened. These questions are of interest for several reasons. Firstly, the pace and extent of the crisis had a dramatic impact on Russia’s economy which, in turn, may have influenced political mobilization motivated by claims for policy reversals. Secondly, if financial crisis generated wage inequality, it is important to identify the extent, pattern, and nature of the wage inequality for effective policy formulation.
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