北美自由贸易协定和自由贸易区:多边主义的区域替代方案

Laura Altieri
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引用次数: 5

摘要

正如上述引文所示,布什政府非常重视贸易,不仅将其视为增强经济实力的手段,而且将其视为促进国家安全的一种方式。虽然前几任总统也曾吹捧贸易的好处,但布什在使贸易自由化成为现实方面处于独特的地位。首先,布什最近获得了贸易促进授权(TPA)或“快速通道”。根据TPA,总统可以就贸易协议进行谈判,国会必须批准或拒绝这些协议,但总统不能修改这些协议。贸易促进权使制定贸易协定更加容易。第二,在2001年9月11日恐怖袭击之后,布什在所有与外交政策有关的事务上享有巨大的权力。通过将贸易与美国安全联系起来,布什有效地压制了国会在这一问题上的异议,使国会更难以拒绝此类交易。因此,贸易自由化应该是布什力所能及的。毕竟,布什的前任比尔•克林顿(Bill Clinton)领导了一场历时多年的WTO回合谈判,并帮助达成了两项大型多边协议,但没有TPA,也面临着贸易逆差
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NAFTA and the FTAA: Regional Alternatives to Multilateralism
As the above quotes indicate, the Bush administration places great emphasis on trade, viewing it not only as a means to economic strength, but also as a way to promote national security. While past presidents have also touted the benefits of trade, Bush is in a unique position to make trade liberalization a reality. First, Bush was recently granted Trade Promotion Authority3 (TPA) or "fast track." With TPA, presidents can negotiate trade deals that Congress must then ratify or reject, but which they cannot amend. TPA makes enacting trade agreements much easier. Second, after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, Bush enjoys tremendous power over all matters relating to foreign policy. By linking trade to U.S. security, Bush has effectively silenced Congressional dissent on the issue by making it much more difficult for Congress to reject such deals. Trade liberalization, therefore, should be within Bush's reach. After all, Bush's predecessor, Bill Clinton, led a multi-year WTO Round and helped bring about two large multilateral agreements without TPA and despite facing the
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