政治分裂与日本社会不平等的表现,1953-2017

A. Gethin
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摘要

本文利用1953年至2017年间进行的政治态度调查来记录日本政治分裂结构的长期变化。我分析了日本的一党专政制度从自民党的霸权到保守势力分裂成多个分裂政党和新中间派联盟的崛起的转变。纵观日本当代历史,基于外交政策和再军事化的持续分歧一直是民主冲突的关键轴心。在出现这些分歧的同时,受教育程度较低的选民对自民党和其他保守政党表现出了更大的支持,这些政党普遍主张扩大军事开支和海外干预。战后几十年里,自民党的实力也依赖于由较贫穷的农村地区和商业精英组成的独特联盟,而社会主义和共产党在城市工会工薪阶层中获得了更大的支持。城市化、城乡不平等的减少、教育的扩大以及随后的政党制度的分裂终结了这种平衡,并与日本政治空间的显著“去极化”有关。我还分析了与战争记忆和政党态度变化有关的代沟的长期转变。†巴黎经济学院-世界不平等实验室。我要感谢浅井健太郎、David Chiavacci、ssambastien Lechevalier、Thanasak Jenmana、Clara Martínez-Toledano、Thomas Piketty、Carmen Schmidt和Yoshida Toru提出的意见和建议。我还要感谢日本社会科学数据档案馆、日本选举研究、选举制度比较研究和大学间政治和社会研究联盟的团队,他们提供了本文中使用的数据。
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Political Cleavages and the Representation of Social Inequalities in Japan, 1953–2017
This paper exploits political attitudes surveys conducted between 1953 and 2017 to document long-run changes in the structure of political cleavages in Japan. I analyze the transformation of Japan’s one-party dominant system from the hegemony of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to the disintegration of conservative forces into multiple splinter parties and the rise of a new centrist coalition. Throughout Japan’s contemporary history, persisting divides based upon foreign policy and remilitarization have remained a key axis of democratic conflicts. These divides have coincided with lower-educated voters showing greater support for the LDP and other conservative parties, which have generally advocated expansion of military spending and overseas interventions. The strength of the LDP in postwar decades also relied on a unique coalition of poorer rural areas and business elites, while socialist and communist parties found greater support among urban unionized wage earners. Urbanization, declining rural-urban inequalities, the expansion of education, and the subsequent fragmentation of the party system have put an end to this equilibrium and have been associated with a remarkable “depolarization” of Japan’s political space. I also analyze the long-run transformation of generational divides in relation to changing attitudes to war memory and political parties. † Paris School of Economics – World Inequality Lab. I wish to thank Kentaro Asai, David Chiavacci, Sébastien Lechevalier, Thanasak Jenmana, Clara Martínez-Toledano, Thomas Piketty, Carmen Schmidt, and Yoshida Toru for their comments and advices. I am also grateful to the teams of the Social Science Japan Data Archive, the Japanese Election Studies, the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, and the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research for making the data exploited in this paper available.
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