以亚当·斯密为例,阐释萨缪尔森1952年的“数学可以用英语书写”观点——论1776年《国富论》中斯密基于精确概率与不精确概率差异的反功利主义

M. E. Brady
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引用次数: 0

摘要

在1776年的《国富论》中,史密斯给出了两个清晰的数学例子,其中包括对精确概率(精确的、确定的、线性的、数值的)和非精确概率(不精确的、不确定的、非线性的、非数值的)的概念进行对比,这些概念必须包含不确定性,这意味着有缺失或不可获得的证据,决策者当时无法获得证据,他必须在两个或多个不同的选项中做出选择。史密斯的分析在《国富论》现代图书馆版的第106-113页和第419-423页被仔细地呈现出来,《国富论》由坎农编辑,由马克斯·勒纳作序。有趣的是,自1776年斯密发表《国富论》以来的244年里,没有一位学术经济学家、哲学家、历史学家、社会学家、心理学家、政治学家、社会科学家或决策理论家注意到这一事实。事实上,斯密认为精确概率的使用,正如杰里米·边沁(Jeremy Bentham)所提倡的那样,只有在非常特殊的条件下才有可能,这解释了为什么斯密拒绝将功利主义作为一种道德体系和经济学的基础——对精确概率和精确结果的要求,通常是不可能的,由于缺少或无法获得相关的信息、数据、知识或证据,决策者需要这些信息、数据、知识或证据来估计其目前的行动决定在未来的后果。这种对史密斯的决策方法的严重误解和困惑的一个例子可以在2016年的一篇论文中看到,例如,在Hollander的论文中,因此,关于史密斯是否是一个功利主义者,部分功利主义者,无论这可能意味着什么,不是功利主义者或反功利主义者的讨论都是无关的,一旦意识到史密斯完全拒绝了边沁基于他的功利主义的概率微积分的可加性和线性,所有人都能计算。史密斯意识到,边沁对计算未来结果的能力的信念是极其有限的。显然,经济学家看不懂史密斯在《国富论》中用来表达他对决策方法的数学分析的英语。认为斯密在《国富论》中没有使用数学分析的观点,只能是那些本身不懂数学、不懂数学、不懂数学的经济学家得出的结论,他们对如何表达数学论点和分析感到严重困惑。由此得出的结论是,芝加哥大学教授的弗里德曼、贝克尔和斯蒂格勒学派与亚当·斯密的《国富论》毫无关系,因为他们所有的经济分析都基于精确的概率,而这种方法与杰里米·边沁在《道德与立法原则》(1787年)第四章的原作中所表达的方法完全相同。
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Adam Smith as an Example of Samuelson’s 1952 Point That Mathematics Can Be Written Out in the English Language: On Smith’s Anti-Utilitarianism Based on the Differences Between Precise and Imprecise Probability Presented in 1776 in the Wealth of Nations
In the Wealth of Nations in 1776, Smith gave two clearly worked out mathematical examples involving a comparison- contrast examining the concepts of precise probability (exact, definite, linear, numerical) and imprecise probability(inexact, indefinite, nonlinear, non numerical) that must incorporate uncertainty, which means there is missing or unavailable evidence that is not available to the decision maker at the time that he must make a choice between two or more different alternative options or alternatives.

Smith’s analysis is carefully presented on pp. 106-113 and pp. 419-423 of the Modern Library edition of the Wealth of Nations edited by Cannon with the foreword by Max Lerner. It is interesting that there has not been a single academic economist, philosopher, historian, sociologist, psychologist, political scientist, social scientist or decision theorist in the 244 years since Smith published the Wealth of Nations in 1776 to note this fact.

The fact that Smith believed that the use of precise probability, as advocated by Jeremy Bentham, who was Smith’s great intellectual opponent and adversary, was possible only under very special conditions, explains why Smith rejected utilitarianism as an ethical system and foundation for the science of economics-the requirement for precise probabilities and precise outcomes was, in general, not possible, due to the fact of missing or unavailable relevant information data ,knowledge or evidence that the decision maker would need to estimate the consequences in the future of his present decision to act. An example of this severe misunderstanding and confusion of Smith’s approach to decision making can be seen, for just one instance, in the 2016 paper by Hollander

Thus, discussions about whether Smith was a utilitarian ,partly a utilitarian, whatever that may mean, not a utilitarian or anti-utilitarian are all besides the point once it is realized that Smith completely rejected the additivity and linearity of the probability calculus upon which Bentham based his utilitarianism on, that all men can calculate. Smith realized that Bentham’s belief in the ability to calculate future consequences was extremely limited.

Apparently, economists can’t read the English Language that Smith used to express his mathematical analysis of his approach to decision making in the Wealth of Nations. The belief that Smith did not use mathematical analysis in the Wealth of Nations can only be a conclusion reached by economists who are themselves mathematically illiterate, inept, innumerate or severely confused about how mathematical arguments and analysis can be presented.

This leads to the conclusion that the M. Friedman, G. Becker, and G. Stigler school of economics, that is taught at the University of Chicago, can have nothing to do at all with Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations because they base all of their economic analysis on precise probability, which is an approach that is identical to that expressed in the original work of Jeremy Bentham in chapter IV of the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1787).
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