在非竞选期间在Twitter上构建极右翼言论:来自欧洲各地民粹主义领导人的见解

R. Rivas-de-Roca, Concha Pérez-Curiel, M. García-Gordillo
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摘要

极右翼民粹主义政党的日益成功改变了欧洲的政治格局,这一点已被文献广泛研究。民粹主义政党采用了一种特定的沟通风格,基于社交媒体上简单而无中介的信息,这些信息会助长对公共机构的不信任。然而,学术界对这些策略在非运动周的应用方式及其在小国的发展仍然很少涉及。本研究调查了来自不同规模和历史极端主义背景的欧洲国家的极右翼领导人在非竞选期间(2020年9月29日至2021年2月28日)如何使用Twitter。具体来说,我们通过定量和定性方法的混合分析问题(问题框架)、策略(游戏框架)和宣传机制。样本包括法国国民大议会(Rassemblement National)、奥地利(FPÖ)、德国(AfD)、西班牙(Vox)和葡萄牙(Chega!)等主要极右翼政党领导人在Twitter上发布的信息(n=1346)。采用了手工内容分析,以便对具有不同极右翼传统的国家进行比较。结果显示,两国在传播方式上均以反移民信息为主题,但在议程和宣传方面存在一定差异。最近的政党(AfD, Vox和Chega!)很少使用Twitter工具,这意味着放弃了社交媒体的互动能力;与此同时,在奥地利和葡萄牙的案例中,议程不那么具有主导性。我们的研究有助于讨论欧洲极右翼民粹主义政党的传播实践,确定各国的趋势,因为人民与精英之间的二元对立并没有通过同一类型的宣传来表达。
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Building extreme right discourses on Twitter for non-campaign periods: insights from populist leaders across Europe
The growing success of extreme right-wing populist parties changed the political state of play in Europe, which has been widely studied by the literature. Populist parties apply a particular communication style, based on simple and non-mediated messages on social media that promote distrust in public institutions. However, the ways in which these strategies are applied for non-campaigns weeks remain little addressed by academia, as well as its development in small countries. This study examines how far-right leaders from European countries with different sizes and historical extremist backgrounds used Twitter during a non-campaign period (29 September 2020 to 28 February 2021). Specifically, we analyze the issues (issue frame), strategies (game frame), and propaganda mechanisms employed through a mixture of quantitative and qualitative approaches. The sample includes the messages posted on Twitter (n=1346) by the leaders of the main far-right parties in France (Rassemblement National), Austria (FPÖ), Germany (AfD), Spain (Vox), and Portugal (Chega!). A manual content analysis was applied, allowing comparison of countries with different traditions regarding the Extreme Right. The results show a common pattern of anti-migration messages as the main topic for their communication style, but some differences are found in terms of agenda and propaganda. The most recent parties (AfD, Vox, and Chega!) rarely use Twitter tools, which means leaving behind the interactive capacity of social media; meanwhile, the agenda is less thematic in the Austrian and Portuguese cases. Our research contributes to discussions about the communication practices of far-right populist parties in Europe, identifying trends by country as the binary opposition between the people and the elite is not expressed through the same type of propaganda.
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