英古外交:与英国的经济和政治联系(1945-60)

Servando Valdés Sánchez
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True, Jorge Ibarra Guitart has studied the failed negotiations for an Anglo-Cuban treaty in 1905 using documents from both the Cuban and British archives, but nothing of substance has been done on later periods that comprehensively includes a Cuban point of view.1 Robert Morley and Andrew Holt consider the relationship between Britain and Cuba principally in the context of Anglo-US relations as the North Americans attempt to impose their trade embargo on their European allies after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution.2 More detailed analysis of particular events has been done by Chris Hull (arms sales 1958-59 and buses 1963-64) as well as by Mark Phythian and Jonathan Jardine (fighter aircraft 1959) but again in the context of Anglo-US relations.3 Meanwhile, Stephen Wilkinson's 'Just How Special Is \"Special\": Britain, Cuba, and US Relations 1958-2008 an Overview' does what it says on the tin.4 Chris Hull's excellent book British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964 is somewhat broader in its approach than the title implies but relies almost entirely on British diplomatic sources.5There would seem a place, therefore, for a study of diplomatic relations between Britain and Cuba that privileges the Cuban viewpoint. This article will base itself on an examination of Cuban and British diplomatic archives, both being readily available in the Archivo Nacional in Havana and the British National Archive in Kew. For the UK had its own relationship with Cuba, separate from any relationship with the US. They may have been political allies in the Cold War, but they were commercial rivals when it came to trade relations. The British firm Leyland beat the US-owned General Motors to supply buses to Havana on three separate occasions, mainly due to the credit arrangements offered by the British government.The British government had been a strong supporter of the Batista regime, supplying fighter aircraft to the dictatorship even after the US government had instituted an arms embargo. The speed with which the British acclimatised themselves to the new revolutionary situation in 1959, despite their distaste for Fidel Castro, highlights the contradictions between commerce and politics inherent in diplomatic activity. By comparing the ambassadorial correspondence of both Cuba and the UK, a more rounded picture of the diplomatic process emerges.Historical BackgroundAt the beginning of the twentieth century, the economic and political subordination which the US established over Cuba caused a readjustment of the traditional commercial links with Europe. Thereafter, the previous European commercial partners were placed in a subordinate position by the preferences which the 'Treaties of Commercial Reciprocity' accorded to US products entering the Cuban market between 1902 and 1945.6However, from the 1920s, the economic crisis and US protectionism for their sugar market led the Cuban government to orientate their commercial policies towards the restriction of output in order to attempt to stabilise sugar prices,7 while seeking commercial treaties which would recover lost foreign markets and gain new ones.8Cuban diplomacy assumed a decisive role in treaty negotiations with Spain, France, Portugal, Britain and various Latin American countries. In 1937, these achieved their first concrete outcome since the founding of the Cuba Republic when an agreement was discussed with Great Britain.9The following year, with the treaty still unsigned, Delegado de la Comision de Tratados de la Secretaria de Estado,10 Nicolas Perez Stable prepared a report in which he declared that as Britain was the largest importer after the US, it should receive more extensive advantages than its competitors and, for a start, the treaty should be ratified. 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Thereafter, the previous European commercial partners were placed in a subordinate position by the preferences which the 'Treaties of Commercial Reciprocity' accorded to US products entering the Cuban market between 1902 and 1945.6However, from the 1920s, the economic crisis and US protectionism for their sugar market led the Cuban government to orientate their commercial policies towards the restriction of output in order to attempt to stabilise sugar prices,7 while seeking commercial treaties which would recover lost foreign markets and gain new ones.8Cuban diplomacy assumed a decisive role in treaty negotiations with Spain, France, Portugal, Britain and various Latin American countries. 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引用次数: 10

摘要

英国和古巴的关系很少从古巴人的角度来看。的确,Jorge Ibarra Guitart利用来自古巴和英国档案的文件研究了1905年英古条约谈判的失败,但在后来的时期没有做任何实质性的工作,全面包括古巴的观点罗伯特·莫雷和安德鲁·霍尔特主要在英美关系的背景下考虑英国和古巴之间的关系,因为北美人在古巴革命胜利后试图对其欧洲盟友实施贸易禁运。2克里斯·赫尔(1958-59年的武器销售和1963-64年的公共汽车)以及马克·菲希安和乔纳森·贾丁(1959年的战斗机)对特定事件进行了更详细的分析,但也是在英美关系的背景下进行的与此同时,斯蒂芬·威尔金森(Stephen Wilkinson)的《到底有多特别才“特别”:1958-2008年英国、古巴和美国关系综述》也如其所言克里斯·赫尔(Chris Hull)的优秀著作《英国外交和美国在古巴的霸权,1898-1964》(British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964)的研究方法比书名所暗示的要宽泛一些,但几乎完全依赖于英国的外交资料。因此,研究英国和古巴之间的外交关系似乎是有一席之地的,而这种研究是以古巴的观点为基础的。本文将根据对古巴和英国外交档案的审查,这两份档案都在哈瓦那的国家档案馆和位于邱园的英国国家档案馆随时可用。因为英国与古巴有自己的关系,不同于与美国的任何关系。在冷战时期,他们可能是政治盟友,但在贸易关系方面,他们是商业对手。英国莱兰公司三次击败美国通用汽车公司,向哈瓦那提供公共汽车,主要是由于英国政府提供的信贷安排。英国政府一直是巴蒂斯塔政权的坚定支持者,即使在美国政府实施武器禁运之后,英国仍向这个独裁政权提供战斗机。1959年,英国人迅速适应了新的革命形势,尽管他们厌恶菲德尔·卡斯特罗,这突显了外交活动中固有的商业与政治之间的矛盾。通过比较古巴和英国的大使信函,可以更全面地了解外交进程。20世纪初,美国对古巴的经济和政治从属关系引起了与欧洲传统商业联系的重新调整。此后,由于《商业互惠条约》在1902年至1945年期间给予进入古巴市场的美国产品的优惠待遇,以前的欧洲商业伙伴处于从属地位。经济危机和美国对其食糖市场的保护主义导致古巴政府将其商业政策转向限制产量,以试图稳定食糖价格7,同时寻求商业条约,以恢复失去的外国市场并获得新的市场。古巴外交在与西班牙、法国、葡萄牙、英国和许多拉美国家的条约谈判中发挥了决定性作用。1937年,这些谈判取得了自古巴共和国成立以来的第一个具体成果,当时与英国讨论了一项协议。9次年,在条约尚未签署的情况下,国家贸易委员会代表尼古拉斯·佩雷斯·斯特布尔(Nicolas Perez Stable)准备了一份报告,他在报告中宣布,由于英国是仅次于美国的最大进口国,它应该获得比竞争对手更广泛的优势,首先,条约应该得到批准。这一观点得到了商务部和农业部官员的认同。…
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Anglo-Cuban Diplomacy: The Economic and Political Links with Brit Ain (1945-60)
IntroductionThe relationship between the UK and Cuba is rarely seen through Cuban eyes. True, Jorge Ibarra Guitart has studied the failed negotiations for an Anglo-Cuban treaty in 1905 using documents from both the Cuban and British archives, but nothing of substance has been done on later periods that comprehensively includes a Cuban point of view.1 Robert Morley and Andrew Holt consider the relationship between Britain and Cuba principally in the context of Anglo-US relations as the North Americans attempt to impose their trade embargo on their European allies after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution.2 More detailed analysis of particular events has been done by Chris Hull (arms sales 1958-59 and buses 1963-64) as well as by Mark Phythian and Jonathan Jardine (fighter aircraft 1959) but again in the context of Anglo-US relations.3 Meanwhile, Stephen Wilkinson's 'Just How Special Is "Special": Britain, Cuba, and US Relations 1958-2008 an Overview' does what it says on the tin.4 Chris Hull's excellent book British Diplomacy and US Hegemony in Cuba, 1898-1964 is somewhat broader in its approach than the title implies but relies almost entirely on British diplomatic sources.5There would seem a place, therefore, for a study of diplomatic relations between Britain and Cuba that privileges the Cuban viewpoint. This article will base itself on an examination of Cuban and British diplomatic archives, both being readily available in the Archivo Nacional in Havana and the British National Archive in Kew. For the UK had its own relationship with Cuba, separate from any relationship with the US. They may have been political allies in the Cold War, but they were commercial rivals when it came to trade relations. The British firm Leyland beat the US-owned General Motors to supply buses to Havana on three separate occasions, mainly due to the credit arrangements offered by the British government.The British government had been a strong supporter of the Batista regime, supplying fighter aircraft to the dictatorship even after the US government had instituted an arms embargo. The speed with which the British acclimatised themselves to the new revolutionary situation in 1959, despite their distaste for Fidel Castro, highlights the contradictions between commerce and politics inherent in diplomatic activity. By comparing the ambassadorial correspondence of both Cuba and the UK, a more rounded picture of the diplomatic process emerges.Historical BackgroundAt the beginning of the twentieth century, the economic and political subordination which the US established over Cuba caused a readjustment of the traditional commercial links with Europe. Thereafter, the previous European commercial partners were placed in a subordinate position by the preferences which the 'Treaties of Commercial Reciprocity' accorded to US products entering the Cuban market between 1902 and 1945.6However, from the 1920s, the economic crisis and US protectionism for their sugar market led the Cuban government to orientate their commercial policies towards the restriction of output in order to attempt to stabilise sugar prices,7 while seeking commercial treaties which would recover lost foreign markets and gain new ones.8Cuban diplomacy assumed a decisive role in treaty negotiations with Spain, France, Portugal, Britain and various Latin American countries. In 1937, these achieved their first concrete outcome since the founding of the Cuba Republic when an agreement was discussed with Great Britain.9The following year, with the treaty still unsigned, Delegado de la Comision de Tratados de la Secretaria de Estado,10 Nicolas Perez Stable prepared a report in which he declared that as Britain was the largest importer after the US, it should receive more extensive advantages than its competitors and, for a start, the treaty should be ratified. This opinion was shared with officials in the Ministries of Commerce and Agriculture. …
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