权力政策:教宗方济各在古巴

Petra Kuivala
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In Holguin and Santiago de Cuba, I focused on observing the visit among the Cubans participating in the public events, with a concentration on interpreting the responses of the audience and commentaries of the audience to the events.During and following the visit, I conducted interviews with Cuban bishops, clergy, members of the religious orders present in Cuba as well as Cubans both Catholic and non-Catholic who either participated in the events of the papal visit or chose not to participate in them. In this article, apart from my own reflections and analysis as a participant in the visit, I refer to those interviews as anonymous sources. From this perspective, I analyse the expectations, interpretations and outcomes of the papal visit, focusing on the dynamics of the apostolic journey as well as reactions and responses of the Catholic Church in Cuba and Cuban Catholics to Pope Francis's message and the purpose of the visit.Cuba and the Holy SeeIn the books of the Holy See,1 Cuba has occupied a particular chapter ever since Fidel Castro's revolution in 1959. The Catholic Church, rooted in Cuba during the Colonial era, has existed within the socialist system for the past six decades. The coexistence of the Catholic Church and the Cuban revolutionary regime has nevertheless been characterised by mutual tension, conflict and confrontation.The confrontation between the Catholic Church in Cuba and the Cuban revolution experienced its most tense stages in the 1960s. The cultural, collective memory of the Cuban Catholics still recalls the experience of alienation and marginalisation in the Cuban society and public life. 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引用次数: 1

摘要

2015年9月,教皇弗朗西斯在古巴呆了四天。在这些日子里,他访问了三个城市:哈瓦那、奥尔金和古巴圣地亚哥。我作为古巴天主教主教会议(古巴天主教主教会议)邀请的观察员参加了这次访问。在哈瓦那,我加入了会议代表团,并以与天主教受邀者,如外国主教、古巴神职人员和宗教人士以及外交代表相同的方式参加了活动。这既包括向公众开放的活动,也包括为选定的观众举办的活动。在古巴的奥尔金和圣地亚哥,我专注于观察参加公共活动的古巴人的访问,并专注于解释观众的反应和观众对事件的评论。在访问期间和访问之后,我采访了古巴的主教、神职人员、在古巴的宗教团体成员以及参加或选择不参加教宗访问活动的古巴天主教徒和非天主教徒。在这篇文章中,除了我自己作为访问参与者的反思和分析之外,我将这些采访作为匿名消息来源。从这个角度来看,我分析了教皇访问的期望、解释和结果,重点是使徒之旅的动态,以及古巴天主教会和古巴天主教徒对教皇方济各的信息和访问目的的反应和回应。古巴与罗马教廷自从1959年菲德尔·卡斯特罗发动革命以来,古巴在罗马教廷的著作中占据了一个特殊的篇章。天主教会在殖民时期扎根于古巴,在过去六十年中一直存在于社会主义制度内。然而,天主教会和古巴革命政权共存的特点是相互紧张、冲突和对抗。古巴天主教会和古巴革命之间的对抗在20世纪60年代经历了最紧张的阶段。古巴天主教徒的文化和集体记忆仍然使人想起古巴社会和公共生活中异化和边缘化的经历。鲜活的记忆仍然在岛上和流亡的古巴天主教徒的老一辈中引起怀疑,有时甚至是敌意。然而,体制教会在21世纪的古巴公共领域获得了新的地位和新的知名度。从1960年代的对抗和1970年代被边缘化的沉默和自省的十年中,教会进行了重组,以便在1980年代进行内部复兴,并在1990年代重新出现在古巴社会中,以填补苏联解体、特别时期和从古巴宪法中删除无神论理想所造成的古巴人在意识形态和存在主义方面的探索的空白。所有这些都同时发生在20世纪90年代上半叶。在整个革命时期,教会与国家冲突中最关键的挑战是确定天主教会在古巴社会中的地位。以上帝的形式出现的超越性在基督教信仰中是至关重要的,但在马克思主义意识形态中却是一个不受欢迎的特征。相应地,在天主教中,马克思主义哲学作为唯物主义者和无神论者被视为对人性和宗教信仰的威胁。由于意识形态和实际矛盾,教会在古巴革命现实中的地位和作用已成为国家和国际政治问题。对于一场国家革命来说,一个具有相当权力和影响力的跨国全球行动者的概念,位于革命之外,但植根于革命内部,是不合适的。承认信仰的天主教徒虽然是世俗国家的公民,但他们认为自己属于教皇的精神权威、领导和统治之下。…
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Policy of Empowerment: Pope Francis in Cuba
IntroductionPope Francis spent four days on Cuban soil in September 2015. During these days, he visited three cities: Havana, Holguin and Santiago de Cuba. I participated in the visit as an observer invited by the Conference of Catholic Bishops in Cuba(Conferencia de Obispos Catolicos de Cuba). In Havana, I joined the delegation of the Conference and participated in the events in the same manner as the Catholic invitees such as foreign bishops, Cuban clergy and religious, and diplomatic representatives. This included both events open to the public as well as events for a selected audience. In Holguin and Santiago de Cuba, I focused on observing the visit among the Cubans participating in the public events, with a concentration on interpreting the responses of the audience and commentaries of the audience to the events.During and following the visit, I conducted interviews with Cuban bishops, clergy, members of the religious orders present in Cuba as well as Cubans both Catholic and non-Catholic who either participated in the events of the papal visit or chose not to participate in them. In this article, apart from my own reflections and analysis as a participant in the visit, I refer to those interviews as anonymous sources. From this perspective, I analyse the expectations, interpretations and outcomes of the papal visit, focusing on the dynamics of the apostolic journey as well as reactions and responses of the Catholic Church in Cuba and Cuban Catholics to Pope Francis's message and the purpose of the visit.Cuba and the Holy SeeIn the books of the Holy See,1 Cuba has occupied a particular chapter ever since Fidel Castro's revolution in 1959. The Catholic Church, rooted in Cuba during the Colonial era, has existed within the socialist system for the past six decades. The coexistence of the Catholic Church and the Cuban revolutionary regime has nevertheless been characterised by mutual tension, conflict and confrontation.The confrontation between the Catholic Church in Cuba and the Cuban revolution experienced its most tense stages in the 1960s. The cultural, collective memory of the Cuban Catholics still recalls the experience of alienation and marginalisation in the Cuban society and public life. The living memory still accounts for suspicion and, at times, hostility, among the older generations of Cuban Catholics both on the island and in exile. The institutional church has, however, reached a renewed position and newly gained visibility in the Cuban public sphere in the twenty-first century. From the confrontation of the 1960s and the decade of marginalised silence and introspection of the 1970s, the church reorganised itself in order to provide for internal revival in the 1980s and reemerge in the Cuban society in the 1990s in order to fill the void of ideological and existential searching among Cubans, caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Special Period2 and the removal of the atheist ideal from the Cuban constitution, all occurring simultaneously in the first half of the 1990s.Throughout the revolutionary era, the most crucial challenge in the conflict between the church and the state has been defining the position of the Catholic Church in the Cuban society. The aspect of the transcendent in the form of God is crucial in Christian faith yet an undesired feature in Marxist ideology. Correspondingly, in Catholic teaching Marxist philosophy as materialist and atheist is seen as a threat to both humanity and religiosity. Stemming from both ideological and practical contradictions, the position and the role of the church in the Cuban revolutionary reality have been matters of both national and international politics. For a national revolution, the concept of a transnational, global actor with considerable power and influence, located outside yet rooted inside the revolution, has been ill-fitting. Confessing Catholics, while citizens of a secular nation, consider themselves belonging under the spiritual authority, leadership and rule of the Pope. …
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