罗马巴洛克宫殿中的空间、隐私和性别

S. Cavallo
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引用次数: 2

摘要

近年来,早期现代性别历史学家对空间给予了相当大的关注。在福柯式的风格中,学者们最初接受了这样一种观点,即空间的构建是为了反映权力的政治——在这种情况下是性别秩序——并将被认为是“他者”的东西与“相同者”分开因此,女性被排除在许多户外公共场所之外,尤其是那些致力于政府和贸易的场所,并且与家庭的私人领域典型地联系在一起,早期现代意大利的历史学家特别关注城市生活,并追踪城市中女性可以进入或禁止进入的区域。在他对文艺复兴时期威尼斯的研究中,丹尼斯·罗马诺认为,妇女被排除在政治和公民生活领域的圣马可之外,而且由于与街头暴力和卖淫有关,贵妇也被禁止进入商业交易和商业活动发生的里亚托只有在邻近的上流社会熟悉的领域里,妇女才更自由地行动。即使是男女混合的公共集会也是有性别区分的:娜塔莉·托马斯表明,在15世纪的佛罗伦萨,性别隔离影响了去教堂的人,因为教堂的女性区和男性区被帘子隔开了;莎伦·斯特罗奇亚指出,对于死去的男性,葬礼的做法明显是公开的,而死去的女性则更隐蔽地进行纪念男性和女性空间之间的这种明显区别随后被阶级的考虑所软化:经常在车间工作的下层妇女更经常出现在所谓的男性空间中年龄和婚姻状况也改变了这种空间格局,因为人们注意到,即使来自上层阶级的妇女,在丧偶或年老时也享有更多的行动自由,这也是由于她们参与管理财产和财务事务
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‚Space, Privacy and Gender in the Roman Baroque Palace‘
In recent years early modern historians of gender have paid considerable attention to space. In Foucauldian fashion scholars initially embraced the idea that space is constructed to reflect the politics of power – in this case the gender order – and to separate what is considered ‘the other’ from ‘the same’.1 Hence, women were seen to be excluded from many outdoor public spaces, especially those devoted to the exercise of government and trade, and to be quintessentially associated with the private sphere of the home Historians of early modern Italy have focused in particular on urban living and traced the areas of the city accessible or barred to women. In his study of renaissance Venice Dennis Romano argued that women were excluded from S. Marco, the area of politics and civic life, and that gentlewomen were also banned from Rialto, where commercial transaction and business took place, due to its association with street violence and prostitution.2 Only in the familiar territory of the neighbourhood upper class women moved more freely. Even mixed public gatherings were gendered: Natalie Tomas shows that gender segregation affected church going in fifteenth-century Florence, since the women’s side of the church was separated from the male one by a curtain, and Sharon Strocchia that funerary practices took markedly public forms in the case of dead men, while dead women were commemorated more privately.3 This sharp distinction between masculine and feminine spaces was then softened by consideration of class: lower–class women, who often worked in workshops, were to be found in allegedly male spaces much more frequently.4 Age and marital status also alter this spatial pattern since it has been noted that women, even if from the upper classes, enjoyed more freedom of movement when widowed or old, also due to their involvement in the management of property and financial matters that were normally
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