1825年的非洲奴隶大起义:古巴和马坦萨斯的自由之战

J. Kerr-Ritchie
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引用次数: 1

摘要

曼努埃尔·巴西亚,《1825年非洲奴隶大起义:古巴和马坦萨斯的自由之战》(巴吞鲁日:路易斯安那州立大学出版社,2012)hb 272页。1825年1月至6月,古巴马坦萨斯Coliseo地区咖啡种植园的奴隶们策划了一场起义。6月15日午夜,叛乱分子聚集在两个种植园。起义开始于El Sabanazo庄园,由Lorenzo Lucumi和Federico Carabali领导。在接下来的几个小时里,叛乱分子从一个种植园转移到另一个种植园,杀害白人,收集武器,解放奴隶,并大肆饮酒。中午,他们来到了一家酒馆,在那里他们遭到了武装的白人居民和来自马坦萨斯的士兵的攻击。这场持续了12个小时的起义导致40名反叛者和10名白人丧生。在接下来的几个星期里,幸存的叛乱分子被追捕。洛伦佐于6月26日被杀,费德里科于6月27日被杀。在接下来的几个月里,又发现了几个新的阴谋;而成群的囚犯因参加起义而被处决。总共有180名奴隶叛乱者参与了1825年的起义。他们包括各种西非种族,包括卡拉巴里斯人、Gangas人、Mandingas人和Lucumis人。根据曼努埃尔·巴尔西亚的说法,1825年的奴隶起义有两个显著特征。首先,起义非常暴力。他将这种暴力行为归因于奴隶们有更大的行动自由,以及他们想通过杀死尽可能多的白人来取得成功的愿望。他还指出,这样的暴力事件挑战了人们的普遍看法,即咖啡种植园的生活没有甘蔗种植区那么严酷。第二个方面涉及起义的非洲层面。起义后的调查记录了大量关于战争服装、对妇女的尊重、击鼓、跳舞、跳跃以及对受害者的无情谋杀的描述。这与起义期间实施的非洲战士传统有关。1825年的奴隶起义并没有引起太多的学术关注。1844年后,它从公共文件中消失了。直到1986年,马坦萨斯的一位当地历史学家才写到了这一点。虽然一些学者引用了它,但他们总是误解了起义的意义。莱尔德·贝里加德怀疑是否存在更广泛的阴谋;而格洛丽亚·加西亚认为这结束了奴隶反抗的循环。Barcia通过对1825年奴隶起义的首次重大考察,挑战了沉默。他还通过将其置于19世纪古巴奴隶起义的更广泛传统中来指出其重要性。大多数学者坚持认为这些起义具有克里奥尔性质,例如1812年的阿庞特阴谋和1843-44年的埃斯卡克拉阴谋。相比之下,Barcia坚持1825年起义的非洲层面,包括领导、泛非民族团结和西非战争战略的运用。事实上,他挑衅性地指出,这一事件代表了西非战争在古巴的“延伸”(第151页)。此外,他补充说,在接下来的20年里,在西非战争的阴影下,古巴发生了大量的奴隶起义。…
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The Great African Slave Revolt of 1825: Cuba and the Fight for Freedom in Matanzas
Manuel Barcia, The Great African Slave Revolt of 1825: Cuba and the Fight for Freedom in Matanzas (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2012) hb 272pp. ISBN: 9780807143322Reviewed by Jeffrey R. Kerr-RitchieBetween January and June 1825, slaves on coffee plantations in the Coliseo region of Matanzas, Cuba, planned an uprising. At midnight on 15 June, rebels gathered at two plantations. The uprising began at the El Sabanazo estate under the leadership of Lorenzo Lucumi and Federico Carabali. Over the next several hours, the insurgents moved from plantation to plantation, killing whites, gathering arms, liberating slaves, and imbibing. At noon, they reached a tavern where they were faced-down by armed white residents and soldiers from Matanzas. The twelve-hour revolt cost the lives of forty rebels and ten whites. Over the next few weeks, the surviving insurgents were hunted down. Lorenzo was killed on 26 June, Federico on 27 June. Over the next few months, several new plots were unearthed; while groups of prisoners were executed for participating in the uprising. A total of 180 slave rebels were eventually implicated in the 1825 revolt. They included various West African ethnicities including the Carabalis, Gangas, Mandingas, and Lucumis.According to Manuel Barcia the 1825 slave revolt had two notable features. First, the uprising was extremely violent. He attributes this violence to the slaves' greater freedom of movement and their desire to succeed by killing as many whites as possible. He also suggests that such violence challenges the common view that life on coffee plantations was less harsh than in the sugar zone. The second aspect concerns the uprising's African dimensions. The post-revolt inquiry documented numerous descriptions of warlike clothing, respect for women, drumming, dancing, jumping, and the ruthless murder of victims. This connotes links to African warrior traditions that were implemented during the revolt.The 1825 slave revolt has not drawn much scholarly attention. It disappeared from public documents after 1844. Not until 1986 did a local historian in Matanzas write about it. Although some scholars have referenced it, they have invariably misunderstood the revolt's significance. Laird Bergad doubts the existence of a broader plot; while Gloria Garcia sees it as closing a cycle of slave resistance. Barcia challenges the silence by providing the first major examination of the 1825 slave revolt. He also points to its importance by situating it within a broader tradition of slave revolts in nineteenth century Cuba. Most scholars insist on the Creole nature of these revolts as exemplified by the Aponte conspiracy of 1812 and the La Escalera conspiracy of 1843-44. In contrast, Barcia insists on the African dimensions of the 1825 revolt in terms of leadership, a Pan-African ethnic solidarity, and the employment of West African war strategies. Indeed, he argues provocatively that this event represented an 'extension' of West African warfare into Cuba (p. 151). He adds, moreover, that the next two decades witnessed an outpouring of slave revolts in Cuba cast in the shadow of West African warfare. …
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