海堤是不够的:气候变化与美国利益

Jody Freeman, Andrew T. Guzman
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引用次数: 0

摘要

关于美国如何应对气候变化的公共政策辩论正在如火如荼地进行。不再有重要的声音质疑气候变化是真实存在的,或者它主要是人类活动的结果。今天的问题是,鉴于美国面临的风险和可能的经济影响,美国应该如何应对气候变化。问题在于,为国内碳排放定价是否值得。在这篇文章中,我们提出美国应该采取积极行动来减轻气候变化的影响。在这样做的过程中,我们接受并揭穿了“气候变化赢家”的论点,该论点断言,至少与大多数其他国家相比,美国可能会在一个更温暖的世界中过得很好,因此,没有理性的动机去投资昂贵的缓解努力,而这些努力将在很大程度上使其他国家受益。按照这种观点,对美国的影响最好通过适应战略而不是缓解战略来解决,即建造实际和象征性的海堤,以减少全球变暖的影响。对这一论点的主要回应是,呼吁基于美国的财富和历史上的温室气体排放,人们认为美国有道德义务。虽然我们对这种道德论点表示赞同,但本文采取了不同的方法。我们证明,即使人们接受气候变化赢家论点的前提——对美国的影响将比其他地方小,美国在道义上没有义务帮助外国——美国对气候变化采取行动的理由是强有力的。仅考虑美国狭隘的自身利益,我们表明气候变化赢家的论点是错误的。我们解释说,现有的估计系统地低估了气候变化可能带来的经济影响,我们提供了一个更完整的核算将揭示的粗略估计。现有模式中向下偏差的来源有很多,包括对未来变暖的过度乐观,对预期温度上升的不对称性被忽视,以及未能考虑到灾难性事件、非市场成本、跨部门影响和对生产力的影响。现有的估计还忽略了国外气候变化的影响将通过经济影响、国家安全、移民和疾病等方式溢出到美国,从而产生额外的成本。这篇文章表明,气候变化不仅仅是世界其他地区的问题。它给美国带来严重负面后果的可能性远比目前的模型所显示的要大。如果是这样的话,国家应该采取迅速和积极的行动来应对气候变化,而不是出于仁慈或内疚,而是出于单纯的自身利益。
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Sea Walls are Not Enough: Climate Change and U.S. Interests
The public policy debate on the appropriate American response to climate change is now in full swing. There are no longer significant voices disputing that climate change is real or that it is primarily the result of human activity. The issue today is what the United States should do about climate change given the risks the country faces and the likely economic impacts. The question is whether putting a price on carbon domestically is worth the cost.In this Article we make the case that the United States should act aggressively to mitigate the effects of climate change. In doing so we take on and debunk the "climate change winner" argument, which asserts that the United States is likely to fare well in a warmer world, at least compared to most other states and, therefore, faces no rational incentive to invest in expensive mitigation efforts that will largely benefit other states. In this view, impacts on the United States are best addressed through a strategy of adaptation rather than mitigation - the construction of both literal and figurative sea walls to reduce the effects of global warming. The dominant response to this argument has been an appeal to a perceived moral obligation on the United States based on its wealth and its historical greenhouse gas emissions. Though we are sympathetic to this moral argument, this Article takes a different approach.We demonstrate that even if one accepts that the premises of the climate change winner argument - that impacts on the United States will be less severe than elsewhere and that the United States is not morally obliged to help foreign states - the case for American action on climate change is strong. Considering only the narrow self-interest of the United States, we show that the climate change winner argument is wrong.We explain that existing estimates systematically underestimate the likely economic impact of climate change, and we provide rough estimates of what a more complete accounting would reveal. The sources of downward bias in existing models are numerous and include undue optimism about future warming, overlooked asymmetries around expected increases in temperature, and a failure to account for catastrophic events, non-market costs, cross-sectoral impacts, and impacts on productivity. Also ignored by existing estimates are the ways in which climate change impacts abroad will spillover into the United States through economic effects, national security, migration and disease, creating additional costs.This Article shows that climate change is not simply a problem for the rest of the world. It is far likelier than current models suggest to lead to serious negative consequences for the United States. If this is so, the country should take prompt and aggressive action to address climate change, not out of benevolence or guilt, but out of simple self-interest.
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