种姓制度和tundur暴行

Dag-Erik Berg
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摘要

印度后殖民时期的历史中,农村地区发生了许多有组织的基于种姓的暴力事件。发生在安得拉邦普拉卡萨姆区的Karamchedu(1985年)和邻近的Guntur区的Tsundur村(1991年)的袭击事件代表了两个残酷的例子,尽管在Karamchedu和Tsundur之前、之间和之后发生了其他一些暴行。在全国一级,在这一严峻的后殖民趋势中发生的早期和众所周知的事件发生在泰米尔纳德邦南部Thanjavur区的Kilvenmani村,1968年12月,44名达利特人被烧死。但在Thanjavur和沿海的安得拉邦的案例表明,现代农业技术为这些村庄的社会变革提供了物质基础,这些变革导致了极端的暴行。正如保罗·布拉斯指出的那样,在解释农业背景下的暴力时,简单地用“绿色革命”来解释,而不是用更多的历史解释,这是有用的。事实上,在这种情况下,强调种姓作为一个因素也很重要。与基尔文马尼的野蛮袭击同时发生的一些案件不仅仅是封建农业结构中的暴力案件。种姓关系植根于农业生产方式,“封建主义”一词似乎不足以解释种姓制度和暴力。重新审视安贝德卡强调的贱民和贱民之间、“某些人”和“无名之辈”之间存在的本体论差异,有助于理解“给贱民一个教训”的愿望是如何发挥作用的。恋爱相遇和向上流动的案例代表了在种姓本体论中关于差异的基本观念的可能性。1968年2月24日在克里希纳区的Kanchikacherla村发生的事件可以从这个角度来看待。那天,“哈里詹男孩”Kotesu被活活烧死。Kotesu被指控偷了两个罐子和一个玻璃杯,七个人把他绑在村里的一根柱子上,殴打他,后来把他烧死。虽然盗窃的指控与达利特人不值得信赖的刻板印象相呼应,但Kotesu的父母有另一种解释;他们认为小津和房东的女儿有私情。
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Casteism and the Tsundur Atrocity
The postcolonial history of India involves many of these brutal cases of organized caste-based violence in the rural landscape. The attacks in Andhra Pradesh, in Karamchedu in Prakasam district (1985) and in Tsundur village in the neighbouring Guntur district (1991), represent two brutal instances, although several other atrocities took place before, between and after Karamchedu and Tsundur. At a national level, the early and well-known incidents that occurred during this grim postcolonial trend happened in Kilvenmani village in the Thanjavur district in southern Tamil Nadu, where forty-four Dalits were burnt to death in December 1968. But the cases in Thanjavur and coastal Andhra suggest that modern agricultural technology provided the material basis for the social changes in these villages that led to extreme brutality. As Paul Brass indicates, it is useful to be cautious when explaining violence in the agrarian context simply by referring to a ‘Green revolution’ rather than to more historical explanations. In fact, it is also important to underline caste as a factor in this context. Some of the cases that happened at the same time as the brutal assault in Kilvenmani are not simply cases of violence in a feudal agrarian structure. Caste relations are embedded in the agrarian mode of production, and the term ‘feudalism’ appears inadequate to explain casteism and violence. It is useful to revisit the ontological difference that Ambedkar emphasized exists between touchables and untouchables, between ‘some bodies’ and ‘nobodies’, to understand how the desire to ‘teach Dalits a lesson’ could play out. Cases of amorous encounters and upward mobility represent possibilities that transgress basic ideas about differences in an ontology of caste. The incident that took place in Kanchikacherla village on 24 February 1968 in Krishna district could be viewed in this context. On that day, Kotesu, a ‘Harijan boy’, was burnt alive. Kotesu had been charged with stealing two pots and a tumbler, and a group of seven people had tied him to a post in the village, beaten him and later burnt him. While the accusation of theft resonates with a stereotype about Dalits being less trustworthy people, Kotesu's parents had another explanation; they thought that Kotesu was having a love affair with the landlord's daughter.
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Foundations of Caste and Constitutional Democracy: Ambedkar, Equality and Law Law beyond Untouchability: From Temple Entry to Atrocity and Legal Change Conclusions on Caste and Law Casteism and the Tsundur Atrocity The Karamchedu Killings and the Struggle to Uncover Untouchability
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