排他性代表的美国经验:对韩国多元工会主义问题的启示

K. Dau-Schmidt, Ryan Hamilton Vann
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引用次数: 0

摘要

虽然世界上工业化民主国家的劳动法各不相同,但这些法律背后的两个共同目的是促进雇员集体谈判的权利和促进工业和平。当然,这些是美国和大韩民国法律背后的共同目的。是通过排他性代表制还是多元工会制来决定雇员代表权的问题,涉及到劳资关系体系发展中的这两个基本问题。独家代表可以提高工会相对于雇主的议价能力,有助于确保雇员可以为集体谈判做出有意义的贡献。排他性代表也可以简化集体谈判的问题,通过将雇主的注意力集中在一组员工代表上,促进双方之间的合作,并以牺牲整体合作为代价,阻止员工子集的战略行为。然而,排他性代表权也会对员工组织构成障碍,这一问题一直困扰着美国的劳资关系制度。此外,将利益不同的员工集中在一个单位,由一名代表代表,可能会使集体谈判的工会政治复杂化,并使少数人的利益得不到代表。事实上,在美国,我们发现,在授予工会独家代表权的同时,公平代表指定谈判单位所有雇员的义务是重要和必要的。在本文中,我们将研究基于排他性代表制的劳资关系体系和基于多元工会主义的劳资关系体系之间的政策选择。我们通过介绍美国关于排他性代表制的法律和经验,并讨论这些经验与多元工会主义问题的相关性,来进行这项研究。在第一部分中,我们讨论了美国关于独家代表权的法律,包括对我们的选举程序的简要概述,公平代表权义务的原则,以及在美国承认少数工会和仅限成员的合同方面的最新发展。在第二部分中,我们讨论了美国的独家代表性和一个雇主的多个单位的经验以及美国劳工运动的衰落。在最后一节中,我们将讨论美国的经验对韩国多元婚姻问题的影响。在排他性代表制或多元工会主义问题上,美国是一个有趣的研究案例,因为也许没有其他国家有像美国这样正式的制度来确定代表制问题,或者与排他性代表制模式如此紧密地联系在一起。另一方面,美国在一个雇主内部存在多个工会方面也有丰富的经验。我们的结论是,韩国向单一渠道谈判的多元工会主义转变是明智的,尽管我们强调公平代表责任的重要性,工人在没有共同利益时可能需要通过多种渠道组织起来,以及让当事人决定如何进行集体谈判的可能性。
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The American Experience with Exclusive Representation: Implications for the Issue of Plural Unionism in South Korea
Although there is a wide diversity of labor laws among the industrialized democracies of the world, two common purposes behind these laws are the fostering of employees' right to collectively bargain and the promotion of industrial peace. Certainly these are shared purposes behind the laws of the United States and the Republic of Korea. The question of whether to determine employee representation through exclusive representation or plural unionism is a one that touches on both of these fundamental issues in the development of a system of industrial relations. Exclusive representation can improve a union's bargaining power relative to the employer, helping to ensure that the employees can make meaningful contributions to collective bargaining. Exclusive representation can also simplify the problem of collective bargaining, promoting cooperation between the parties by focusing the employer's attention on one set of employee representatives and discouraging strategic behavior by subsets of employees at the expense of overall cooperation. However, exclusive representation can also pose a barrier to employee organization, a problem that has plagued the American industrial relations system. Furthermore, lumping employees with disparate interests together in one unit with one representative can complicate the union politics of collective negotiations and leave minority interests unrepresented. Indeed, in the United States we have found it important and necessary that the grant of exclusive representation to a union be accompanied by a duty to fairly represent all employees in the designated bargaining unit. In this essay we will examine the policy choice between a system of industrial relations based on exclusive representation and one based on plural unionism. We undertake this examination by presenting the American law and experience with respect to exclusive representation, and discussing the relevance of that experience to the question of plural unionism. In the first section we discuss the American law with respect to exclusive representation, including a brief overview of our election procedure, the doctrine of the duty of fair representation and recent developments with respect to the recognition of minority unions and members only contracts in the United States. In the second section we discuss the American experience with exclusive representation and multiple units in one employer and the decline of the American labor movement. In the final section we discuss the implications of the American experience for the issue of plural unions in the Republic of Korea. The United States is an interesting case study on the question of exclusive representation or plural unionism because perhaps no other country has as formal a system for determining questions of representation or clings so closely to the exclusive representation model. On the other hand the United States also has ample experience with multiple unions within one employer. We conclude that there is wisdom in Korea's move to plural unionism with one channel bargaining, although we emphasize the importance of a duty of fair representation, the possible need for workers to organize in multiple channels when they do not share common interests and the possibility of letting the parties determine how they conduct collective negotiations.
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