多相的最终粒子?一些来自语言接触的证据

Tsan Tsai Chan
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引用次数: 0

摘要

Cinque(1999)的制图理论将一个意义与一个功能头联系在一起。因此,如果应用于句子最终粒子(SFPs),地图假设应该跨语言地将语义相似的SFPs分组到相同的功能头部(cf. Pan 2019;Sybesma & Li 2007)。然而,我发现广东话和普通话(汉语、汉藏语)的方面焦点和限制焦点似乎与汉语相矛盾,尽管它们的语义相近,但它们占据了不同的结构位置。为了阐明这个问题,我引用了广州话和新加坡话的新数据,证明了这些品种中借用的SFPs根据其结构高度而受到不同的对待。同样引用scopal和其他事实,我最终提出了将SFPs置于多个阶段的案例(Chomsky 2000等),继Erlewine(2017)和Biberauer(2017)之后,但与Pan(2019)相反,a.o。为了适应Cinque(1999),我最终提出不同阶段的SFPs构成不同的词汇类,每个类单独聚类,但在相同的语义确定序列中与地图假设兼容。
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Sentence-final particles in multiple phases? Some evidence from language contact
Cinque’s (1999) cartographic theory associates one meaning with one functional head. As such, if applied to sentence-final particles (SFPs), cartographic assumptions ought to group semantically similar SFPs onto the same functional head cross-linguistically (cf. Pan 2019; Sybesma & Li 2007). However, I show that aspectual and restrictive focus SFPs in Cantonese and Mandarin (Sinitic, Sino-Tibetan) seemingly contradict Cinque by occupying different structural positions despite their semantic closeness. To shed light on the problem, I adduce novel data from Guangzhou Cantonese and Singapore Cantonese, demonstrating that SFPs borrowed into these varieties are treated differently according to their structural height. Likewise citing scopal and other facts, I ultimately make a case for placing SFPs in multiple phases (Chomsky 2000 etc.), following Erlewine (2017) and Biberauer (2017), but contra Pan (2019), a.o. To accommodate Cinque (1999), I ultimately submit that different-phase SFPs constitute distinct lexical classes, which each cluster separately, but in the same semantically determined sequence compatible with cartographic assumptions.
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