“无数微妙”:通过艾灵顿公爵和迪兹·吉莱斯皮的音乐中的讽刺颠覆种族主义

D. Malcolm
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Since jazz, from its origins in the early 1900s in New Orleans, was increasingly performed by black musicians for white audiences, African-American jazz musicians have often been a focal point for racial conflict in the United States, especially during the first half of the twentieth century. As Gillespie suggests, black musicians frequently dealt with racial prejudice by relying on strategies derived from African-American culture, in particular signifying, which includes a variety of rhetorical strategies including indirection, irony, and verbal disjunction. \"Tomming,\" a reference to the eponymous character from Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin ([1852] 1982), is generally used pejoratively to criticize blacks who apparently ingratiate themselves with white society by unctuous and exaggerated servility; however, this persona might equally be regarded as a form of signifyin(g), or more specifically, indirection or masking that facilitates ironic subversion. Although the guise it took in jazz performance changed from apparent submission to feigned aggression, signifying often characterized black dealings with the dominant white culture both in slavery and during the 1940s when the social changes that occurred in the United States in the first half of the twentieth century gradually began to mitigate the racist oppression African Americans had suffered for several centuries. Critical Approach The primary focus of this discussion is on the gradual decline in irony used in jazz during the first half of the twentieth century as a \"political\" (Gates 1988, 45) and satiric tool to attack the ideology of white supremacy. During this period, the parodic revisioning of the various elements that constitute jazz performance (e.g., musical narrativity, costume, gesture, and language), which has been a seminal characteristic of jazz since its inception, gradually achieved greater expression and became a significant factor in the emergence of bebop. A discussion of this nature is problematized by the complexity of irony and the related genres of satire and parody, the still relatively opaque nature of musical meaning, and the difficulty of tracking microlevel social change. Irony, as Linda Hutcheon argues, is \"a discursive strategy operating at the level of language (verbal) or form (musical, visual, textual)\" (1994, 10). It also involves, according to Margaret Rose, \"a statement of an ambiguous character, which includes a code containing at least two messages, one of which is the concealed message of the ironist to an 'initiated' audience, and the other the more readily perceived but 'ironically meant' message of the code\" (1993, 87). Thus, there are several key elements that must be in place for ironic communication to take place: (1) the social context in which the irony occurs; (2) the decoders or interpreters whose comprehension of the ironic message is often based on a community of understanding they share with the encoder that excludes those who don't grasp the ironic meaning; (3) the encoders or ironists who perceive ironic incongruity and fashion a message reflecting that insight; and (4) the message itself, which can be transmitted in performance by various means. 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Although the guise it took in jazz performance changed from apparent submission to feigned aggression, signifying often characterized black dealings with the dominant white culture both in slavery and during the 1940s when the social changes that occurred in the United States in the first half of the twentieth century gradually began to mitigate the racist oppression African Americans had suffered for several centuries. Critical Approach The primary focus of this discussion is on the gradual decline in irony used in jazz during the first half of the twentieth century as a \\\"political\\\" (Gates 1988, 45) and satiric tool to attack the ideology of white supremacy. 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引用次数: 2

摘要

在自传中,迪兹·吉莱斯皮(Dizzy Gillespie)承认种族主义对他年轻时的行为产生了影响,并承认他误读了路易斯·阿姆斯特朗(Louis Armstrong)受吟游诗人影响的表演风格:“见鬼,我有自己的Tomming方式。自奴隶制以来,每一代黑人都必须发展自己的方式来适应基本不公正的情况. ...后来,我开始认识到,我认为老爷子(阿姆斯特朗)面对种族主义时的咧嘴笑,是他绝对拒绝让任何事情,甚至是对种族主义的愤怒,偷走他生活中的快乐,抹去他那美妙的微笑。”(2009,296)。自从爵士乐起源于20世纪初的新奥尔良以来,越来越多的黑人音乐家为白人观众表演,非裔美国爵士音乐家经常成为美国种族冲突的焦点,特别是在20世纪上半叶。正如Gillespie所指出的那样,黑人音乐家经常依靠来自非裔美国人文化的策略来处理种族偏见,特别是指义,其中包括各种修辞策略,包括间接,讽刺和言语分离。“汤姆明”是哈里特·比彻·斯托(Harriet Beecher Stowe)的《汤姆叔叔的小屋》(Uncle Tom’s Cabin,[1852] 1982)中的同名人物,通常被贬义地用来批评那些通过虚情假意和夸张的奴性来讨好白人社会的黑人;然而,这个角色同样可以被视为意义(g)的一种形式,或者更具体地说,是促进讽刺颠覆的间接或掩盖。虽然爵士乐表演的伪装从表面上的顺从变成了假装的侵略,但这往往意味着黑人在奴隶制时期和20世纪40年代(美国20世纪上半叶发生的社会变革逐渐减轻了非裔美国人遭受了几个世纪的种族主义压迫)与占主导地位的白人文化之间的交往。这次讨论的主要焦点是在20世纪上半叶,作为“政治”(Gates 1988,45)和讽刺工具攻击白人至上意识形态的爵士乐中,讽刺的逐渐衰落。在这一时期,对爵士乐表演的各种元素(如音乐叙事、服装、手势和语言)的模仿修正,自爵士乐诞生以来一直是爵士乐的一个重要特征,逐渐获得了更大的表达,并成为比波普出现的一个重要因素。反讽的复杂性以及与之相关的讽刺和戏仿类型,音乐意义仍然相对不透明的本质,以及追踪微观层面的社会变化的困难,都使对这种性质的讨论存在问题。正如琳达·哈钦所言,反讽是“一种在语言(口头)或形式(音乐、视觉、文本)层面上运作的话语策略”。(1994年,10)。根据玛格丽特·罗斯的说法,它还涉及“一个模棱两可的角色的陈述,其中包括一个包含至少两个信息的代码,其中一个是讽刺者对'初始'观众的隐藏信息,另一个是更容易理解但'具有讽刺意味'的代码信息”(1993,87)。因此,反讽交际发生的几个关键因素必须到位:(1)反讽发生的社会背景;(2)解码器或解释者,他们对讽刺信息的理解往往基于他们与编码器共享的理解社区,排除了那些不理解讽刺意义的人;(3)编码器或反讽者感知到反讽的不一致性,并塑造反映这种洞察力的信息;(4)信息本身,可以通过各种方式在性能上传递。此外,反讽是旨在纠正社会或外部弊病的讽刺和侧重于话语形式或内部弊病的戏仿的基础。...
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“Myriad Subtleties”: Subverting Racism through Irony in the Music of Duke Ellington and Dizzy Gillespie
In his autobiography, Dizzy Gillespie recognizes the impact racism had on his youthful behavior and acknowledges his misreading of Louis Armstrong's minstrelsy-influenced performance style: "Hell, I had my own way of Tomming. Every generation of blacks since slavery has had to develop its own way of Tomming, of accommodating itself to a basically unjust situation. ... Later on, I began to recognize what I had considered Pops's [Armstrong's] grinning in the face of racism as his absolute refusal to let anything, even anger about racism, steal the joy from his life and erase his fantastic smile" (2009, 296). Since jazz, from its origins in the early 1900s in New Orleans, was increasingly performed by black musicians for white audiences, African-American jazz musicians have often been a focal point for racial conflict in the United States, especially during the first half of the twentieth century. As Gillespie suggests, black musicians frequently dealt with racial prejudice by relying on strategies derived from African-American culture, in particular signifying, which includes a variety of rhetorical strategies including indirection, irony, and verbal disjunction. "Tomming," a reference to the eponymous character from Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin ([1852] 1982), is generally used pejoratively to criticize blacks who apparently ingratiate themselves with white society by unctuous and exaggerated servility; however, this persona might equally be regarded as a form of signifyin(g), or more specifically, indirection or masking that facilitates ironic subversion. Although the guise it took in jazz performance changed from apparent submission to feigned aggression, signifying often characterized black dealings with the dominant white culture both in slavery and during the 1940s when the social changes that occurred in the United States in the first half of the twentieth century gradually began to mitigate the racist oppression African Americans had suffered for several centuries. Critical Approach The primary focus of this discussion is on the gradual decline in irony used in jazz during the first half of the twentieth century as a "political" (Gates 1988, 45) and satiric tool to attack the ideology of white supremacy. During this period, the parodic revisioning of the various elements that constitute jazz performance (e.g., musical narrativity, costume, gesture, and language), which has been a seminal characteristic of jazz since its inception, gradually achieved greater expression and became a significant factor in the emergence of bebop. A discussion of this nature is problematized by the complexity of irony and the related genres of satire and parody, the still relatively opaque nature of musical meaning, and the difficulty of tracking microlevel social change. Irony, as Linda Hutcheon argues, is "a discursive strategy operating at the level of language (verbal) or form (musical, visual, textual)" (1994, 10). It also involves, according to Margaret Rose, "a statement of an ambiguous character, which includes a code containing at least two messages, one of which is the concealed message of the ironist to an 'initiated' audience, and the other the more readily perceived but 'ironically meant' message of the code" (1993, 87). Thus, there are several key elements that must be in place for ironic communication to take place: (1) the social context in which the irony occurs; (2) the decoders or interpreters whose comprehension of the ironic message is often based on a community of understanding they share with the encoder that excludes those who don't grasp the ironic meaning; (3) the encoders or ironists who perceive ironic incongruity and fashion a message reflecting that insight; and (4) the message itself, which can be transmitted in performance by various means. Irony, moreover, is foundational to both satire, which aims at correcting social or extramural ills, and parody, which focuses on the form of discourse or the intramural. …
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