系列编辑的前言

B. Russell
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摘要

伯特兰·罗素曾经说过,权力之于社会科学就像能量之于物理学(罗素1938:10)。虽然权力是社会科学中最重要的概念之一,但它也是最复杂和最难研究的概念之一。韦伯对权力和权威的分析(1947,1978)是最早的关于权力的社会科学讨论之一,它影响了二战后发展起来的美国权力辩论。在这些争论中,达尔的仔细分析以其清晰的概念为我们提供了权力的词汇(达尔1957,1968)。这包括以机构为基础,对权力的行使和决策进行界定;用有权力的行动者(A)让下属(B)做他们本来不会做的事情来概念化。这种权力的行使不同于资源(可以行使也可以不行使),它为权力持有者提供了特定范围的权力。然而,虽然提供了一套新的概念工具来分析权力关系,达尔的工作受到了巴赫拉赫和巴拉茨等人的持续批评,他们认为权力也通过结构性偏见来行使,这些偏见不一定可以简化为公开的决策(巴赫拉赫和巴拉茨1962)。Lukes在这一批判之后提出了权力第三维度的理论化(Lukes 1974),这涉及到信仰和意识形态的动员,以使统治的权力关系合法化。三维模型被应用于阿巴拉契亚采矿社区的丰富纹理的实证研究(Gaventa 1982)。总的来说,随着三维权力辩论的发展,焦点从主导行为者A的行为转移到反直觉和迷人的现象,即从属行为者B经常表现出积极默许或参与自己的统治。在对Lukes的有条件的批评中,Scott认为表象往往具有欺骗性(Scott 1990)。公共话语与私人话语之间的关系使得三维权力的运作比任何时候都更加复杂
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Series editor’s foreword
Bertrand Russell once argued that power is to social science what energy is to physics (Russell 1938: 10). While power is one of the most important concepts in the social sciences, it is also one of the most complex and elusive to research. Weber’s analysis of power and authority (1947, 1978) is one of the first social scientific discussions of power, and it influenced the US power debates which developed post-Second World War. In these debates Dahl’s careful analysis stands out for its clarity in providing us with a conceptual vocabulary of power (Dahl 1957, 1968). This includes an agency-based, exercise and decision-making definition of power; conceptualised in terms of powerful actors (A) making subordinates (B) do something that they would not otherwise do. This exercise of power is distinct from resources (that may or may not be exercised) and it provides power-holders with power of specific scope. However, while providing a new set of conceptual tools to analyse power relations, Dahl’s work was subject to sustained critique from Bachrach and Baratz and others, who argued that power is also exercised through structural biases that are not necessarily reducible to overt decision-making (Bachrach and Baratz 1962). Lukes followed this critique with his theorisation of the third dimension of power (Lukes 1974), which concerns the mobilisation of belief and ideology to legitimise power relations of domination. The three-dimensional model was applied in a richly textured empirical study of Appalachian mining communities (Gaventa 1982). Overall, as the threedimensional power debates develop, the focus shifts from actions of the dominating actor A to the counter-intuitive and fascinating phenomenon that subordinate actors B often appear to actively acquiesce or participate in their own domination. In a qualified critique of Lukes, Scott argued that appearances are often deceptive (Scott 1990). The relationship between public and private discourse renders the working of three-dimensional power more complex than any
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Contributors List of figures Index Introduction to Part II Front matter
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