人权实况调查与等级制度的再生产

Dustin N. Sharp
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While no one can doubt that INGO-led fact-finding has been a force for much good, raising the level of global human rights awareness, the collection and dissemination of human rights facts and knowledge have also been intimately bound of up with politics, power, and the reproduction of hierarchies, making the technocratic view of human rights fact-finding highly problematic. In this chapter, I argue that there is a particular need to think carefully and critically about the role of human rights fact-finding in generating institutional legitimacy and power, in privileging certain questions of social justice over others, and in potentially serving to narrow the terrain through which broader projects of social change might take place. 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引用次数: 5

摘要

正如世界上最大的国际人权非政府组织(ingo)所做的那样,事实调查已经成为一项精英活动,在很大程度上由一群专业的“专家”进行。在过去的几十年里,他们的工作使人权观察(Human Rights Watch)和大赦国际(Amnesty International)等组织在无数的全球政治和政策进程中占据了重要地位和影响力。这些个人和组织的工作被认为是中立的,与政治无关,是技术官僚的产物,他们只关心揭露大小权力的滥用。虽然没有人怀疑国际非政府组织领导的实况调查是一股有益的力量,提高了全球人权意识的水平,但人权事实和知识的收集和传播也与政治、权力和等级制度的再现密切相关,这使得技术官僚的人权实况调查观点非常有问题。在本章中,我认为特别需要仔细和批判性地思考人权事实调查在产生制度合法性和权力方面的作用,在使某些社会正义问题优先于其他问题方面的作用,以及在潜在地缩小可能发生更广泛的社会变革项目的范围方面的作用。了解实况调查不是一项技术官僚的工作,而是一套复杂的体制和全球权力动态的一部分,具有分配后果,这可能意味着需要使该领域民主化,包括收集和传播人权事实。虽然在一些最大的非政府组织中已经失宠,但“能力建设”是一种潜在的模式,可以用来尝试使人权知识的生产多样化和多元化,使人权事实调查更像是一项真正的全球项目,而不是一组相对有限的精英机构的领域。然而,能力建设项目有其自身的问题维度,其中包括精英向“地方”组织的单向专业知识传递,并可能传播一些全球非政府组织典型的等级制度和精英变革战略。因此,“更本地化,更少全球化”的简单方法不足以解决事实调查实践中一些更有问题的方面。最后,我认为,无论是本地还是国际的非政府组织,都需要多样化和民主化,不仅在组成方面,而且在基本的倡导范式方面。事实调查和专业技术专家的预测已经成为通过动员羞耻进行高层游说和施压政治的令人印象深刻的平台,但最终无法取代发展一个真正的人权支持者,类似于历史上其他社会正义运动。虽然事实调查可能仍然是21世纪一些国际非政府组织增长和合法性的引擎,但如果人权“运动”要走出精英圈子(迄今为止它在很大程度上受到限制),就需要利用它来支持更丰富的倡导策略。
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Human Rights Fact-Finding and the Reproduction of Hierarchies
As it is practiced by the world’s biggest international human rights NGOs (INGOs), fact-finding has become an elite activity, carried out, for the most part, by a class of professionalized 'experts.' Over the last several decades, their work has catapulted organizations like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International to positions of prominence and influence in myriad global political and policy processes. The work of these individuals and organizations is projected to be (and indeed is sincerely imagined to be) neutral and apolitical, the product of technocrats concerned only with exposing abuses by powers small and large. While no one can doubt that INGO-led fact-finding has been a force for much good, raising the level of global human rights awareness, the collection and dissemination of human rights facts and knowledge have also been intimately bound of up with politics, power, and the reproduction of hierarchies, making the technocratic view of human rights fact-finding highly problematic. In this chapter, I argue that there is a particular need to think carefully and critically about the role of human rights fact-finding in generating institutional legitimacy and power, in privileging certain questions of social justice over others, and in potentially serving to narrow the terrain through which broader projects of social change might take place. Understanding fact-finding not as a technocratic exercise, but as part of a set of complex institutional and global power dynamics with distributional consequences may suggest the need to democratize the field, including the collection and dissemination of human rights facts. Though it has fallen out of favor with some of the biggest NGOs, 'capacity building' is one potential model that could be used to try to diversify and pluralize the production of human rights knowledge, making human rights fact-finding more of a true global project rather than the domain of a relatively restricted set of elite institutions. Yet capacity building projects carry their own problematic dimensions, implying, among other things, a one-way transmission of expertise from elite to ‘local’ organizations, and may serve to propagate the very hierarchies and elite strategies for change typified some global NGOs. Thus, simplistic recipes of 'more local, less global' are not sufficient to address some of the more problematic aspects of fact-finding practice. Ultimately, I argue, there is a need for NGOs, both local and international, to diversify and democratize not only in terms of composition, but in terms of fundamental advocacy paradigms. Fact-finding and the projection of professional, technocratic expertise has served as an impressive platform for high-level lobbying and pressure politics via the mobilization of shame, but is ultimately no substitute for developing a genuine human rights constituency akin to other social justice movements throughout history. While fact-finding may still serve as an engine of growth and legitimacy for some INGOs in the 21st century, it needs to be leveraged to support a richer palette of advocacy tactics if the human rights 'movement' is to move outside of the elite circles to which it has largely heretofore been restricted.
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